in which some exceptionally creative videos portraying women have been pre- sented. These are indeed a minority of the women shown in 11 percent of music videos, yet they are possibly much more memorable shown against the back- ground of the likes of Whitesnake, Billy Idol, Sammy Hagar, Robert Palmer, George Michael, or Guns 'n' Roses. 81 Is the struggle to overcome gender stereotypes being won by women? Wide- spread lip service to formal equality of the sexes does not suggest understanding of the more complex realities of women's lives, of their essential inequality and lack of real social autonomy imposed, in one area of life, by underdevelopment of the most elementary and basic public programs of medical, prenatal, and child care and, at another symbolic level, with their functions as objects and fantasized images of male longings for "shelter from the storm." At the level of social power and influence in the controlling bureaucracies of society, only the most modest progress has been evident. If the music business remains a patriarchal structure run almost exclusively by white males, so does the whole society. Musically, the situation could be characterized as attainment of a partial kind of affirmative action for sexual commodification. Popular music at its worst (the image content of most music videos) usually functions to perpetuate all the old gender stereotypes, with a few spaces for ambiguous (not feminist) alternatives. In some of its better examples, R. E.M. "For the One I Love" or several of Tracy Chapman songs, including the popular "Fast Car," it would seem to seek to go beyond mere equality of sexual objectification and, as with the best popular cultural artifacts, to embody enough ambiguity to permit freely nego- tiated interpretation and response, "letting us be both subject and object of the singers' needs (regardless of our or their gender)." 82 Beyond that, to demand the revisioning of women's place in popular music is to demand the kinds of fundamental changes in culture and consciousness, as well as programatic trans- formations of social life, that will permit real social autonomy for all classes and ages of women. Perhaps only then will the construction of more realistic representations of women and men be evident, though that can never be the only function of a people's popular culture, which in its central qualities must also embody frequently conservative, but often futurist, elements of unspoken and utopian longings. NOTES | 1. | Tillie Olsen, Silences ( New York: Delta Books, 1982), p. xiii. | | | | | 2. | Simon Frith and Angela McRobbie, "Rock and Sexuality," Screen Education 29, (Winter 1978-79): 3-19. | | | | | 3. | Sara Evans, Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left ( New York: Vintage, 1980). | | | | | 4. | This is demonstrated in Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era ( New York: Basic Books, 1988). | | | | | 5. | Marjorie Rosen, Popcorn Venus: Women, Movies, and the American Dream ( New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1973). | | | | -170- |