products of the farms, mines, and quar-
ries were solidly increased by this act and
then given a further boost in 1828 when,
with the passage of the so-called Tariff of
Abominations, rates reached their high-
est general level before the Civil War.
This latter measure, the result of political
maneuvering, was especially distasteful
to New England representatives. At the
same time that they voted for high duties
on textiles, they were forced also to ap-
prove rates which penalized wool man-
ufacturers by high duties on raw wool,
shipbuilders by high duties on hemp and
ship iron, and rum manufacturers by a
high tariff on molasses. Special tariff acts
in 1830 and a general revision in 1832
modified the provisions of the law of 1828
most objectionable to New England man-
ufacturers by reducing rates on needed
imported materials. They also helped
temporarily to reduce redundant Treas-
ury receipts by placing such commodities
as sugar, tea, and coffee on the free list.

Thought the tariff of 1832 had reduced
rates to a level about equal to that of the
tariff of 1824, it was definitely and sys-
tematically protective in intent. The act
was bitterly resisted by the Southerners
because it seemed definitely to fasten
the protective system upon the country.
Leading the opposition, South Carolina
called a state convention which declared
the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 nullified
after February 1, 1833. President Jack-
son replied with his famous toast, "Our
Federal Union -- it must be preserved!"
The crisis passed with the adoption of the
Compromise Tariff of 1833. This measure
provided that by July 1, 1842, duties
should be lowered to 20 per cent, a level
close to the average duties imposed under
the tariff of 1816. This reduction was to
be made in steps, one tenth in each of the
years 1834, 1836, 1838, and 1840, and six
tenths in 1842, of which one half was to
come on January 1 and the rest on July 1.

Though these reductions were made as
planned, the low level finally reached by
the middle of 1842 was not permitted to
prevail for more than a few weeks. The
strongly protectionist Whig party had
gained control of the government, the
deep depression beginning in 1839 had
led to a popular demand for remedial
legislation, and temporary Treasury defi-
cits seemed to indicate a need for higher
duties. On August 30, 1842, a new tariff
act went into effect which substantially
raised duties. But in 1844 the Democrats
returned to power, business improved,
and Treasury surpluses reappeared. Over-
strong opposition from New England and
the Middle Atlantic states, the so-called
Walker Tariff was adopted in 1846.
Though still mildly protective, this act
brought a general lowering of rates. It
also greatly simplified the form of tariff
legislation by classifying all dutiable com-
modities in a small number of groups or
schedules and provided for single ad
valorem rates on each schedule.

There followed a decade during which
protective sentiment was at low ebb.
Times were generally good and Treasury
receipts more than ample. In line with
growing free-trade sentiment and in order
to reduce redundant funds in the Treas-
ury, the tariff act of 1857 was passed to
lower duties still further. The free list Was
enlarged in this tariff, and rates now aver-
aged less than 20 per cent. In harmony
with European trends, the United States
appeared to be moving toward a policy
of genuine free trade.

The panic of 1857 broke in August. The
Treasury ran sizable deficits and had to
resort to borrowing to meet current obli-
gations. Manufacturing interests in New
England and New York (especially the
manufacturers of woolens, who benefited
from lowered rates on imports of raw

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