society in which racial and gender differences are rendered irrelevant. I happen to believe that an important and significant (though by no means adequate) first step in that direction is putting the federal government out of the business of treating its citizens differently based on these irrelevant characteristics. But rather than facilitate a responsible public debate on the issue, the president and too many other supporters of preferential treatment seek to silence their opponents. The president, for example, repeatedly chides "those who use this [issue] as a political strategy to divide us," presumably reflecting his belief that to discuss issues of race is necessarily to use them for crass or cynical motives. This tactic is highly insulting; it implies that opposition to racial preferences is driven by base and even racist motives. As an opponent of such policies, I take offense at that insinuation -- and I expect that the many mil- lions of Americans of all races and of both sexes who also oppose them are likewise offended. But efforts to avoid or forestall a public debate on the topic of preferential treatment can only fail. When the Ameri- can people feel strongly about an issue, their elected represen- tatives eventually pay attention. And that is especially so when public sentiment is driven by principles as profound and funda- mental as the meaning of American equality. That is precisely what is driving the debate over preferential treatment; it is, therefore, a debate we must have, and it is a debate we will have. Let us all join that debate in a constructive, respectful, and principled manner. NOTES | 1. | Bill Clinton, "Mend It, Don't End It," remarks on affirmative action at the National Archives, July 19, 1995; see pp. 258-276 of this book. | | | | | 2. | John F Harris, "Clinton Avows Support for Affirmative Action," Washington Post, July 20, 1995. | | | | -285- |