of war as the goal of national life and as the norm of international relations; from its intellectual regimenta- tion and its ruthless suppression of political, religious, and even scientific freedom--in sum, from the total- itarian state envisaged by Hitler and executed by his government. It is on this basic regression that attention must be riveted. To comprehend its full significance, no single aspect must be over-stressed; not the incredibly but in- controvertibly brutal persecution of Jews, of liberals, of radicals, of Communists; not the truculent chauv- inism of the Third Reich's foreign policy; not the prop- aganda of Aryan superiority and the cult of race-hatred disseminated abroad; not the destruction of labor movements or of workers' rights; not the cynical con- tempt for liberal, for democratic, for moral values. Each of these is but one phase of that tragic relapse of Germany to barbarism which, viewed in its entirety, is a threat to the peace of the world, an assault on civ- ilization itself. That threat must be understood, that assault with- stood. The easy evasion that the fate of Germany is its own concern and not the business of other nations, is inadmissible. Hitler has made clear by word and deed that what he has enforced at home he will seek to impose abroad. Nor may refuge be taken in the facile assumption that what has been perpetrated in Germany is inconceivable in the United States. Nazism appeals to the worst in men and peoples, to the latent bigotries, to the suppressed hatreds, to the primitive fears which still burn beneath the surface of modern life. Against that appeal--never so insidious and sin- ister as when it is ignored--this volume warns the American people. -xii- |