However, third party sentiment was largely nullified by Roosevelt's
effort to bring labor into the ranks of the Democratic Party, by the
formation of the Communist-influenced Progressive Party in 1948,
and by Republican sponsorship of the Taft-Hartley Law. "It is still
too early," Kampelman concludes, "to tell whether the coalition de-
veloping between the Democratic Party and the American labor move-
ment will be a lasting one." But in his opinion, strong evidence sug-
gests that "the Democratic Party is irrevocably committed to a liberal
program and to presenting the liberal alternatives to the American
electorate."

The American labor movement has had international ties and in-
terests for many decades but only since the end of World War II have
its involvement and influence in world affairs been so great. David C.
Williams analyzes some of the major problems in this development,
particularly the problem faced by the Western labor movements in
achieving mutual understanding and unity in the face of Communist
maneuvering. Williams notes that the ideological gap between the
American and European labor movements has "very much narrowed
in everything except language"--i.e., the use of terms like "socialism"
and "free enterprise." He argues that the American labor movement
can best fulfill the world role which American wealth and power have
given it by recognizing that unionism abroad cannot avoid govern-
ment intervention, that increased productivity of itself is not a uni-
versal panacea, that foreign labor cannot divorce itself from politics,
and that drastic social reform is essential in much of the world today.

Whether or not one agrees with the conclusions of our authors,
these ten essays provide ample food for thought about the evolving
nature of the American labor movement. The movement's growing
importance at home and abroad makes the understanding of its basic
theory more essential than ever before.

THE EDITORS.

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