He thought those who, like himself, were proscribed, had no legitimate reason for complaint. 1 At the same time, he did not believe that they were guilty of treason, inasmuch as one bel- ligerent could not commit treason against another. 2 Few of the leaders who joined in the secession movement accepted the re- sult of the war so unreservedly as did Alcorn, one of the United States senators-elect. He acknowledged that when he cast his vote for the ordinance of secession, he did so with the full understanding that it was an act of rebellion, and that he was liable to the penalties for treason. 3 He expected that his lands would be confiscated, and himself punished, but he was thank- ful that neither had happened, and that he had not heard of any individual who had been punished for treason. 4 Chief-Justice Campbell, one of the most intelligent mem- bers of the Mississippi bar, and a former member of the Con- federate Congress, said: "I think there never was a people more thoroughly subdued than the people of the South. They were sick and tired of war, wearied and worn out; with the destruction of the Confederate government and the abolition of slavery, all cause of enmity between the people of the United States had passed away, and I think the feeling of an overwhelming majority of our people was one of readiness to be faithful to the government." 5 In June, 1866, the reconstruction committee made its report. The states lately in secession were declared to have been in a state of anarchy at the close of the war, without government or constitutions, and sustaining no political rela- tions to the government of the United States; that Congress could not be expected to recognize as valid the election of representatives from disorganized communities; that Con- gress would not be justified in admitting such communities to a participation in the government of the United States without providing such constitution or other guarantees as would tend to secure the civil rights of all citizens of the republic, a just equality of representation, protection against claims founded in rebellion and crime, a temporary restora- tion of the right of suffrage to those who had not actively participated in the rebellion, and the exclusion from positions of public trust of a portion of those who had. ____________________ | 1 | Speech in New York Times, Aug. 22, 1867. | | 2 | Letter to New York Herald of April 3, 1867. Next to Davis and Quitman, Brown was the most influential of the secessionists before the war. His course after the war, however, was conservative. | | 3 | See his inaugural address, March 10, 1870. | | 4 | Address at Helena, 1869. | | 5 | Boutwell Report on Mississippi Elections, 1875, p. 938. | -155- |