Semi-proletarianization and rural underdevelopment in the Maritimes * R. JAMES SACOUMAN / Acadia University Uneven capitalist underdevelopment in the rural Maritimes has occurred largely through the 'semi- proletarianization' of domestic relations of petty primary production. Productive members of the family unit have been reduced to a partial proletarian status. The domestic mode of production has been increasingly truncated to increase exploitation of the domestic petty producer unit itself and to maintain 'cheap' reproduction of a relative surplus popula- tion. This process of semi-proletarianization ex- plains not only the traditional view of the rural Mari- times as peripheralized holding areas for capitalist development elsewhere; it also explains the reality of the rural Maritimes as traditional centres of petty producer protest and as increasingly important cen- tres of working-class action. A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE UNDERDEVELOPMENT ISSUE IN THE MARITIMES The status of the Maritimes, and of Atlantic Canada in general, as less developed than the rest of Canada can be readily illustrated (e.g., Canada, Department of Forestry, 1964). 1 Although various economic, geographical, social and historical approaches have been used to explain the problem (for reviews see Archibald, 1971 :101-5; Brym and Sacouman, 1979 : 'Introduction'), the non-Marxist approach which is currently in vogue views post- Confederation Maritime underdevelopment as pri- marily the result of unfair federal state policy deci- sions ( Acheson, 1977; Forbes, 1975; 1977; 1979; McNiven, 1978). Acheson argument ( 1977 ), for example, accepts in principle the classical version of the metropolis- hinterland staples theory of Canadian economic growth (e.g., Creighton, 1956; Innis, 1954; 1956; Lower, 1938; 1973), which posits hinterland staple- based economic development within reciprocal me- tropolis-hinterland relationships, given favourable geographical and technological circumstances. But it also incorporates a left revision of the staples- growth thesis which emphasizes locked-in staple dependence, given utter external dominance (see Laxer, 1973; Watkins, 1967). Acheson argues (1977:87-108) that the Maritimes had developed a rather substantial wood and fish staple-related eco- nomic base under the 'open society' of pre- Confederation British-Maritime and US-Maritime metropolis-hinterland relations; under the first dec- ade of tariff protection provided by the federal government (the 1880s), indigenous manufacturing and banking enterprises in the Maritimes flourished briefly but were rapidly consolidated, run down and/ or shut down by Toronto and Montreal-centred capital (see, especially, Acheson, 1972): By 1914 the Maritimes had become a branch plant economy [of central Canada] ... In many respects this nationalization of industry, banking and rail- ways was a necessary pre-condition for the protec- ____________________ | * | The earliest version of this analysis was prepared for the 9th World Congress of Sociology held under the auspices of the International Sociological Association, Uppsala University, Sweden, August 1978. I appreciate the critical comments on this initial draft made by Bob Brym, David Frank, and Tom Regan. Jim McCrorie, Henry Veltmeyer and two anonymous readers insightfully criticized a second draft. All errors in this third version are definitely my own. | | 1 | The Maritimes are comprised of New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island and Nova Scotia; Atlantic Canada includes Newfoundland and Labrador. While many of the structures and processes of underdevelopment documented in the text are clearly applicable to the situation in Newfoundland, the political and cultural history of the Maritimes has differed greatly from that of Newfoundland and Labrador, at least until quite recently. | -232- |