abandoned child. We must share, with those with whom we act in making it, the responsibility of securing and maintain- ing its full and beneficent operation. If we make a treaty to fill the outlines of President Wilson'smessage of January 8, as amended by the Allies, we shall have the job of its execution lasting a number of years. It will not execute itself. We have put our hand to the plow and we cannot turn back. The opposing Senators do not see the problems which confront us. The imagination of Senators has been strained to conceive a situation in which the United States shall have had a judg- ment against her, in the international court, of vital char- acter which she resists, and the united military forces of the world combine to destroy her. If the judgment against her is just, she ought to obey it. If it is not, why assume that it will be rendered at all or that, if rendered, all nations would join in a world war to enforce it? Indeed, may not our imagination, if we let it run riot, as easily conceive such a union of military forces of the world against the United States without a league and its machinery as with them? Thus far the opponents of the League on the Senate floor have been from both parties. If President Wilson returns to his first view of the need for such a League of Nations to Enforce Peace and succeeds in securing the concurrence of our European allies in this view, we may assume that the Democratic party will support him in his policy. The League of Nations to maintain peace will likewise have the passionate support of all the peoples of our Allies and of neutral nations. It will have the earnest support of organ- -155- |