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Volume III of Sam Houston's personal correspondence continues the projected four-volume series of previously unpublished personal letters to and from Sam Houston. This volume begins in the fall of 1848 as Houston returns to Washington for the Second Session of the Thirtieth Congress after the close ...

Volume III of Sam Houston's personal correspondence continues the projected four-volume series of previously unpublished personal letters to and from Sam Houston. This volume begins in the fall of 1848 as Houston returns to Washington for the Second Session of the Thirtieth Congress after the close of the Mexican War. His first focus was on settling the Texas boundary and other problems relating to the welfare of his state. Once these were solved he seriously considered resigning his senate seat. However, he sensed the coming Civil War and seemed to feel that he should do all in his power to prevent it.

Houston's letters reflect the political activities as he struggled to maintain a strong Union stand against the radicals who favored secession. Intriguing new information comes to light on the plot to distract Houston, and perhaps get him out of the Senate, with an attack on Margaret's character through their ward Virginia Thorne, resulting in Margaret's indictment in 1850 on charges of assault and battery. His letters concerning the presidential election of 1852 are particularly interesting, as they are filled with colorful observations of the Washington social scene, as well as his thoughts concerning his own possible candidacy.

Volume III of Sam Houston's personal correspondence continues the projected four-volume series of previously unpublished personal letters to and from Sam Houston. This volume begins in the fall of 1848 as Houston returns to Washington for the Second Session of the Thirtieth Congress after the close ...

Volume III of Sam Houston's personal correspondence continues the projected four-volume series of previously unpublished personal letters to and from Sam Houston. This volume begins in the fall of 1848 as Houston returns to Washington for the Second Session of the Thirtieth Congress after the close of the Mexican War. His first focus was on settling the Texas boundary and other problems relating to the welfare of his state. Once these were solved he seriously considered resigning his senate seat. However, he sensed the coming Civil War and seemed to feel that he should do all in his power to prevent it.

Houston's letters reflect the political activities as he struggled to maintain a strong Union stand against the radicals who favored secession. Intriguing new information comes to light on the plot to distract Houston, and perhaps get him out of the Senate, with an attack on Margaret's character through their ward Virginia Thorne, resulting in Margaret's indictment in 1850 on charges of assault and battery. His letters concerning the presidential election of 1852 are particularly interesting, as they are filled with colorful observations of the Washington social scene, as well as his thoughts concerning his own possible candidacy.

Volume III of Sam Houston's personal correspondence continues the projected four-volume series of previously unpublished personal letters to and from Sam Houston. This volume begins in the fall of 1848 as Houston returns to Washington for the Second Session of the Thirtieth Congress after the close ...

Volume III of Sam Houston's personal correspondence continues the projected four-volume series of previously unpublished personal letters to and from Sam Houston. This volume begins in the fall of 1848 as Houston returns to Washington for the Second Session of the Thirtieth Congress after the close of the Mexican War. His first focus was on settling the Texas boundary and other problems relating to the welfare of his state. Once these were solved he seriously considered resigning his senate seat. However, he sensed the coming Civil War and seemed to feel that he should do all in his power to prevent it.

Houston's letters reflect the political activities as he struggled to maintain a strong Union stand against the radicals who favored secession. Intriguing new information comes to light on the plot to distract Houston, and perhaps get him out of the Senate, with an attack on Margaret's character through their ward Virginia Thorne, resulting in Margaret's indictment in 1850 on charges of assault and battery. His letters concerning the presidential election of 1852 are particularly interesting, as they are filled with colorful observations of the Washington social scene, as well as his thoughts concerning his own possible candidacy.

When faced with the Supreme Court's order for "all deliberate speed" in achieving school desegregation, a fearful Houston school board member urged the city to "make haste slowly".

Houston, Texas, had what may have been the largest racially segregated public school system in the United States when ...

When faced with the Supreme Court's order for "all deliberate speed" in achieving school desegregation, a fearful Houston school board member urged the city to "make haste slowly".

Houston, Texas, had what may have been the largest racially segregated public school system in the United States when the Supreme Court declared the practice unconstitutional in 1954. Ultimately, helped by members of its business community, Houston did desegregate its public schools and did so peacefully, without making the city a battleground of racial violence.

In Make Haste Slowly, William Henry Kellar provides the first extensive examination of Houston's racially segregated public school system, the long fight for desegregation, and the roles played by community groups in one of the most significant stories of the civil rights era.

Drawing on archival records, HISD School Board minutes, interviews with participants in the process, and the oral history collection of the Houston Metropolitan Research Center, Kellar shows that, while Houston desegregated its public school system peacefully, the limited integration that originally occurred served only to delay equal access to HISD schools. Houstonians shifted from a strategy of "massive resistance" to one of "massive retreat". White flight and resegregation transformed both the community and its public schools.

Kellar concludes that forty years after the Brown decision, many of the aspirations that landmark ruling inspired have proven elusive, but the impact of the ruling on Houston has changed the face of that city and the nature of its public education dramatically and in unanticipated ways.