Devising Liberty: Preserving and Creating Freedom in the New American Republic

Devising Liberty: Preserving and Creating Freedom in the New American Republic

Devising Liberty: Preserving and Creating Freedom in the New American Republic

Devising Liberty: Preserving and Creating Freedom in the New American Republic

Synopsis

The nine chapters in this book focus on the various constitutional problems surrounding the need to provide simultaneously a sufficient degree of union and public authority to guarantee defense and order, and a sufficient degree of individual liberty to satisfy the demands and expectations of private citizens who were wary of the arbitrary powers of government.

Excerpt

T he startling and moving events that swept from China to Eastern Europe to Latin America and South Africa at the end of the 1980 s, followed closely by similar events and the subsequent dissolution of what used to be the Soviet Union, formed one of those great historic occasions when calls for freedom, rights, and democracy echoed through political upheaval. a clear-eyed look at any of those conjunctions -- in 1776 and 1789, in 1848 and 1918, as well as in 1989 -- reminds us that freedom, liberty, rights, and democracy are words into which many different and conflicting hopes have been read. the language of freedom -- or liberty, which is interchangeable with freedom most of the time -- is inherently difficult. It carried vastly different meanings in the classical world and in medieval Europe from those of modern understanding, though thinkers in later ages sometimes eagerly assimilated the older meanings to their own circumstances and purposes.

A new kind of freedom, which we have here called modern, gradually disentangles itself from old contexts in Europe, beginning first in England in the early seventeenth century and then, with many confusions, denials, reversals, and cross-purposes, elsewhere in Europe and the world. a large-scale history of this modern, conceptually distinct, idea of freedom is now beyond the ambition of any one scholar, however learned. This collaborative enterprise, tentative though it must be, is an effort to fill the gap.

We could not take into account all the varied meanings that freedom and liberty have carried in the modern world. We have, for example, ruled out extended attention to what some political philosophers have called "positive freedom," in the sense of self-realization of the individual; nor could we, even in a series as large as this, cope with the enormous implications of the four freedoms invoked by Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1941. Freedom of speech and freedom of the . . .

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