This is not offered as a learned book, needing source-notes. But learned readers may want to know the basis for facts and quotations which seem to them new. Carefully recorded basis exists, and particulars could nearly always be given if asked for. The previously unpublished material drawn on derives from the author's editorship of The Statesman newspaper between 1942 and 1951, and from his having been Historian to the Pakistan Army between 1957 and 1960.
The book's structure also needs explaining. Pakistan is an exceptional country, politically and geographically. Part I describes some problems raised by this, dealing with them subject by subject, not chronologically. Part II, by contrast, is straight historical narrative. So is most of Part III. In Part II, events during the three years or so before the Partition of the Indian subcontinent was decided on in 1947 are examined fully, this being necessary for understanding why Pakistan came to exist, what her character is, and why she maintains certain attitudes in foreign affairs. The way a country won its independence can affect its whole ethos, as (for example) the U.S.A. shows. On the other hand in Part III, about eleven years of Pakistan's domestic politics are telescoped into one chapter, those affairs having been made largely meaningless by the military revolution of October 1958, and, moreover, having been gone into in other books, e.g. by Callard, Khalid Bin Sayeed, Binder. There has also been telescoping over Kashmir. What in a concrete sense happened, during the opening phase (1947-9) of that extremely important Indo-Pakistani dispute, is described in detail. But the subsequent debates at the U.N. and elsewhere, protracted and verbose, are almost ignored, because so far they have led to nothing. Particulars can be got in Korbel, Bazaz, Birdwood, Sarwar Hasan, Ferguson (see the Bibliography).
Prefixes before men's names have been kept brief. And those in use at the time are preferred to honorifics got later. If the person has died, but was alive as lately as 1935, the prefix stays. Thus we have 'Mr. Jinnah', 'Mr. Gandhi', which is how those leaders were referred to during most of their lifetimes. But prefixes are shorn from historical personages; 'Curzon', for instance, or 'Syed Ahmad . . .