Kevin Izod O'Doherty and the Roman Catholic Bishops of Hobart and Brisbane

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Kevin Izod O'Doherty (1) referred to his convict past at a meeting of the St Mary's Cathedral Building Fund in Sydney in January 1887. (2) He had no idea that his initial sight of St Mary's, as a political prisoner from the decks of the Mount Stewart Elphinstone, would symbolise his relationship with the clergy during his period of enforced exile in Van Diemen's Land, whereas his presence, in later years, at the meeting of Sydney citizens working for the benefit of their faith, would be representative of his interaction with leading clerics during his period of willing existence in the Australian colonies. In 1849 he merely glimpsed St Mary's, but by 1887 he had become an honoured participant in the affairs of the Catholic Church.

Born in 1823, O'Doherty had completed six years of medical studies when his involvement in the Young Ireland movement and his co-editorship of the nationalist Tribune led to a sentence of transportation in August 1848. The short-lived Tribune was established to continue the work of John Mitchel's United Irishman. (3) O'Doherty's first editorial accused Britain of creating a 'state of slavery' and demanded repeal of the 1801 Act of Union. (4) Of the seven Young Ireland leaders transported to Van Diemen's Land in 1848-49 only John Martin (5) sailed with O'Doherty on the Mount Stewart Elpinstone, while William Smith O'Brien, (6) Thomas Francis Meagher, (7) Terence Bellews McManus, (8) and Patrick O'Donohoe (9) sailed on the Swift, and Mitchel later arrived from Bermuda on the Neptune.

Many Young Irelanders felt that the Catholic clergy were responsible for the failure of their insurrectionary efforts in July 1848. (10) John Mitchel recounted that at the time of his arrest and deportation from Ireland, in late May 1848, 'many of the Catholic clergy had come over to the "Young Ireland" party', but that when

   ... the final scene opened ... and the whole might of the empire was
   gathering itself to crush us, the clergy as a body was found on the
   side of the enemy. They hoped more for their Church in a union with
   monarchical and aristocratic England than in an Ireland
   revolutionized and republican; and having taken their part, they
   certainly did the enemy's business well."

When Mitchel met Smith O'Brien at Avoca in Van Diemen's Land on 15 October 1851, he was told that 'when the people seemed to be gathering in force', the priests 'came whispering round, and melted off the crowd like a silent thaw'. O'Brien described:

   ... old grey-haired men coming up to him with tears streaming down
   their faces, telling him they would follow him so gladly to the
   world's end--that they had long been praying for that day--and God
   knows it was not life they valued: but there was his reverence, and
   he said that if they shed blood they would lose their immortal
   souls; and what could they do? God help them, where could they turn?
   And on their knees they entreated him to forgive them for deserting
   him. So they slunk home to take care of their paltry old souls, and
   wait for the sheriff's bailiff to hunt them into the
   poor-house. (12)

Despite these feelings of resentment, O'Doherty and his colleagues, of varying religious affiliations, continued to cultivate sociable relations with individual Catholic clerics in Ireland, Australia and America.

Understandably, the nature of these relationships in the colonies was influenced by several factors. Of the seven leaders transported four were Catholic: Meagher, McManus, O'Donohoe and O'Doherty. O'Brien belonged to the Church of Ireland, while Mitchel and Martin were Presbyterian. The Catholic clergy regarded the entire group as political prisoners rather than common convicts and believed that they retained their gentlemanly status despite their conviction. Simultaneously the prisoners, by virtue of their unfree situation, were dependent on their religious acquaintances for society and, in certain cases, relied upon them to cushion the effects of convict regulations and to aid in escape attempts. Church affiliation seems to have entered only minimally into these relationships.

Martin and O'Doherty arrived in Hobart in October 1849. (13) Bishop Willson's (14) Vicar General, the Rev. William Hall, (15) came aboard the Emma to greet them, giving them advice on the districts they should choose as ticket-of-leave men and even going so far as to furnish Martin with a letter of introduction to respectable settlers in Bothwell. (16) In this Hall recognised that there might be misgivings about entertaining a convicted felon and stated that, if this were the case, 'perhaps the Clergyman would introduce him to some person. Had Mr. Martin remained in Hobart Town he would have been a welcome guest at my table.' (17) And so the tone of relations between the Irish political prisoners and the Catholic clergy of Van Diemen's Land was set. It was, however, a one-sided relationship. All of the Young Irelanders benefited from the good offices of the clergy, but O'Doherty, Meagher, O'Donohoe and McManus were prevented from becoming active lay leaders of their faith due to the constraints imposed upon them by convict regulations. (18)

O'Doherty and Bishop Willson

Bishop Robert Willson, an Englishman, initially did not join in the 'rapturous welcome' extended to the Young Irelanders by Tasmanian Catholics, labelling the July 1848 insurrection 'a wicked rebellion'. (19) He may have been influenced by his earlier friendship with Daniel O'Connell (20) and knowledge of the divisions brought about in the Repeal Association by the opinions of the younger men. (21) His ongoing quarrel with the Irish Father Joseph Therry over the financial affairs of the diocese may also have caused him to hesitate before launching into familiar relations with other high profile Irishmen. (22) By 1859 he had become convinced that an Irish bishop should replace him, since it 'would be an act of folly to appoint others than Irish Bishops for priests and people who are Irish'. (23) Willson was the English head of an Irish flock, and his troubles with Therry had alienated him somewhat from the people of his diocese. (24)

O'Doherty first met his bishop on 9 April 1850 at the laying of the foundation stone for St Paul's Church in Oatlands. (25) He had developed an acquaintance with the Anstey family, leading English Catholics and friends of Willson. (26) O'Doherty helped the Rev. William Hall and Henry F. Antsey to raise money for the erection of the much-needed church. (27) Since Willson was continuously troubled by a lack of funds and a dearth of lay leaders in his diocese, he was no doubt grateful for support of any kind. He must have wished that the Catholic members of the Young Ireland group were free settlers, with the ability to use their potential influence in his favour.

The Imperial authorities had ordered that the Irish state prisoners be treated according to their rank, as long as they did not breach the regulations to which they were subjected. Their punishment was 'banishment, and the forfeiture of fortune and Station'. (28) Lieutenant Governor Denison (29) disputed this, believing rather that as gentlemen their crime constituted 'an offense against Society of the deepest die', since they could not claim that deficiency or ignorance led to their illegal activities. His wife, Lady Caroline, commented in her journal, 29 October 1849:

   Why should so much more indulgence be shown to a convict of good
   birth and education than to any other? It is true that the
   punishment of transportation would fall more heavily on the
   gentleman than on one belonging to the lower classes; but so, I
   think, it ought to do; because the superiority of his education
   and circumstances make a crime in him more inexcusable; particularly
   when, as in the present case, he has made use of his superiority to
   lead his ignorant and uneducated countrymen into crimes. (30)

In 1860 Willson published a pamphlet in which he outlined the workings of the transportation system. He stated that 'all men were reduced to one level--the learned and those of gentle birth with the illiterate and low-born'. (31) This was not the experience of the Young Ireland leaders. Smith O'Brien, the second son of Sir Edward O'Brien, a Member of Parliament and landlord at the time of the rising, registered his occupation on arrival in Van Diemen's Land as that of 'gentleman', (32) and he and his colleagues never really experienced the fate of a common criminal.

Willson's emerging attitude towards the Young Irelanders may have been influenced by his belief that individuals of their privileged background should be treated in an appropriate manner. This opinion is also obvious in his statements concerning the operation of lunatic asylums where he makes it clear that patients of a respectable background should be housed separately from other inmates. 33

Having vainly sought employment in the Oatlands district and suffering under the burden of financial worries, O'Doherty decided to surrender his ticket-of-leave on 12 August 1850 (34) and resort to 'eating the Government bread'. (35) In urging him not to take this drastic action Willson advised that ' [i]t is desirable for all men of honour to be as far removed as possible from the class of man found at all government stations'. (36) As an alternative solution, the Bishop, aided by Patrick O'Donohoe, persuaded Dr William Crooke to employ O'Doherty at his Hobart dispensary. (37) In recommending that O'Doherty accept the situation, Willson wrote:

   ... that it would be most desirable for you to lose as little
   opportunity as possible in preparing for the practical part of your
   profession and that even occupation in a druggist's establishment in
   compounding medicines, or that of a respectable medical gentleman,
   would be preferable to other employment, or
   none. (38)

It is clear that, even at the highest level of the Catholic Church in Van Diemen's Land, O'Doherty and his contemporaries were regarded and treated as gentlemen.

Willson occasionally capitalised on his friendship with Lieutenant Governor Denison in an effort to mitigate the rigour of the convict authorities in punishing the Irish exiles for breach of regulations. (39) O'Brien finally accepted his ticket-of-leave in November 1850 and, despite contrary directions, was visited in New Norfolk by McManus, O'Doherty, O'Donohoe and Meagher in early December. Meagher escaped detection, but the others were apprehended and given three months probation at various penal stations. (40) A petition on behalf of O'Doherty, sponsored by Willson, was accepted by Denison, but he refused to contemplate another organised by Rev. Father Hall, Father Therry and other community leaders. (41) Father Hugh Magorian, the Irish Catholic chaplain at Impression Bay, wrote to the Hobarton Advertiser denying that O'Doherty was kept apart from or treated differently from the other prisoners, except at night when he was permitted to sleep in a separate cell. He confirmed that O'Doherty's incarceration was dramatically reduced, so that he served only three weeks of the original three-month sentence. (42) In November 1852 Willson unsuccessfully petitioned Denison to allow the exiles 'to reside in any part of Van Diemen's Land they may select, without being subject to the usual regulations referring to people holding ticket-of-leave'. (43)

The esteem in which all of the Young Irelanders held the colonial Catholic clergy is evident from their correspondence both during and after their years in exile. As early as November 1849 Martin asked O'Doherty to convey his regards to Father William Bond and stated his 'wish that there was an Irish Catholic Clergyman' in Bothwell. (44) Smith O'Brien heard that O'Doherty was 'very advantageously circumstanced in being placed under the friendly care of a Catholic Clergyman who is much esteemed by all who know him', and O'Brien himself later developed a strong relationship with the Englishman, Father Bond. (45)

The Catholic clergy occasionally bypassed or ignored the convict regulations to which the Young Irelanders were subjected. Fathers William Dunne, Thomas Butler and Bond at times attended the clandestine meetings of the exiles held at the homes of Irish settlers, on the shores of Lake Sorell, or at the merging points of their various assigned districts. Many of the priests were salaried chaplains attached to the Convict Department, but once they developed personal relationships with the exiles they were prepared to contemplate disloyalty to their employer and follow the dictates of their private conscience. Their view of the political activities of the Young Irelanders was comparable to those held by many of the Van Diemen's Land settlers. Mitchel noted that 'it is agreeable to find that even English and Scotch settlers of good character and rank refuse to regard us as "felons"', a fact which gave 'considerable pleasure and advantage' to the exiles. (46) Such support was of psychological benefit and seemed to confirm the political, rather than criminal, status of the Young Irelanders.

Queensland and Bishop Quinn

Of the seven leaders of the Young Ireland movement transported to Van Diemen's Land in 1849 O'Doherty alone returned to Australia as a free immigrant. The others scattered around the world and pursued different careers and political goals. They clashed intermittently with members of the Catholic hierarchy in America and Ireland, but pursued intimate friendships with individual clerics. (47)

O'Doherty continued his medical studies, initially in Paris upon receipt of his conditional pardon, and then in Dublin from 1856 when the grant of a full pardon allowed him to return to his native land. In June 1859 the newly appointed Bishop of Brisbane (48) had deliberately sought a meeting with him in a boardroom of St Vincent's Hospital, Dublin. James Quinn hoped to persuade the recently emancipated O'Doherty to emigrate as a supporter of the Catholic Church in the infant colony. (49) The young doctor was unhappy with his life in Dublin, writing to Martin:

   I must confess to you, what I dare say you will not be surprised
   at--that I have taken an intense dislike to this place ... If I
   remain in this city I can only hope to prosper by bowing down in
   humble submissiveness to the wiles and behests of the most Reverend
   Doctor Cullen, which in truth, Catholic though I be, I should find
   very difficult to do. (50)

He had considered moving to the United States (51) and had also received 'a very encouraging letter from old friend, Father McEncroe, the factotum of the Irish in Sidney [sic] recommending me to be off there as quickly as possible, promising plenty of nuggets. Would it not be queer if within the next six months I should be sailing up that noble harbour?' (52) Ironically, he finally decided to follow the counsel of a relative of the Cullens, (53) although Quinn had also made earlier unsuccessful attempts to heal the differences between the Archbishop and Charles Gavan Duffy. (54)

The family arrived in Queensland in February 1861 and in the following month Kevin set up practice in Ipswich. (55) Since there were only fourteen registered physicians in Queensland at that time, it seems likely that Ipswich was chosen for the express purpose of facilitating Quinn. In a financial dispute with the resident priest, Father William McGinty, O'Doherty emerged as his bishop's most loyal supporter, with the issue finally being resolved in Quinn's favour. (56) Realising that such disagreements could mar the foundation of the Catholic church in the new colony, as it had earlier done in Tasmania during the Willson/Therry debate, O'Doherty commented, 'It would seem as if some fatality attended the arrival of the dignitaries of our Church in these colonies. The advent of a Bishop would seem to be in too many instances the signal for a scrimmage amongst the faithful'. (57)

During the second period of his residence in the Australian colonies, O'Doherty was free from convict constraint and at liberty to establish unfettered relationships with the Catholic clergy. In mid-1865 he moved to Brisbane, where he and Quinn regularly socialised and attended public functions together. (58) The doctor was often involved in committees to raise money for various church functions and charities, and, when required, also provided his medical expertise. (59) The only issue over which they seem to have disagreed was that of O'Doherty's appointment as a trustee of the Brisbane Grammar School in February 1868. At the opening of the school the following year O'Doherty expressed his deep regret at the absence of the 'bishops of the Episcopal and Roman Catholic Churches' and hoped 'that the cause of their absence is not of a permanent character'. (60) Despite this difference of opinion the pair continued their friendly associations.

In persuading O'Doherty to immigrate to his Brisbane diocese Quinn doubtless realised that the '48 man had enormous potential as an orator and politician advocating the interests of Irish Catholics. (61) The Queensland press regularly referred to the Doctor's abilities as a public speaker. (62) O'Doherty himself was more modest, and later wrote:

   I warned my friends who had invited me to take part in public
   affairs that I was no orator and that all I could do was to give
   them an honest vote, but they replied that that was all they wanted,
   an honest vote being better than a glib tongue with no honesty in
   it. (63)

However, he did acknowledge the role his past played in propelling him once again into public life: 'I had been only a short time in the Colony' when 'I was bodily laid hold of and forced into public life, simply because I was known as an Irish exile'. (64) He used the experiences and achievements of Irish emigrants to Queensland, many of whom left their native land through Quinn's Immigration Society, (65) as evidence of the ability of the Irish to govern themselves. (66) At the Ipswich St Patrick's Day celebrations in 1863 he stated that:

   Our Scotch and English friends, who at home so readily dispose of
   the fact of Irish distress by attributing it to defects in the
   character of the people, have but to follow those people to any of
   the English colonies to be convinced of the injustice they have done
   them. There is no impartial man who will not admit that the high
   qualities displayed by the working portion of the Irish colonists
   speak trumpet-tongued in their favour, as showing them to be well
   fitted, if allowed fair play, to prosper in their own land. (67)

Quinn also felt that in the colonies Irish Catholics had the opportunity to benefit from British rule of law and parliamentary traditions that were closed to them in their homeland. (68)

Both men were involved in the 1875 centenary celebrations of the birth of Daniel O'Connell, (69) the 1879 committee for the Irish Famine Relief Fund (70), and other political and social events in Ireland. O'Doherty chaired the Brisbane branch of the Irish Land League formed in January 1881, (71) and Quinn, correspondingly, supported land reform. (72) A resolution was passed endorsing Parnell's political activities: 'We in the distant land deem it a sacred duty to take part with our countrymen at home and abroad, and not merely to sympathise with you but, as far as our numbers and means permit, to contribute to the success of your labours'. (73)

Appointed to the Legislative Council in May 1 877, (74) O'Doherty's personal support of his Bishop became increasingly public in 1878 when Quinn became embroiled in an argument with Denis O'Donovan, the Queensland parliamentary librarian. (75) By 1880 O'Donovan's criticism of Quinn led O'Doherty to state that he and others 'have observed of late, with deep pain and indignation, that covert attacks have been made to assail your Lordship', and assured him that they had 'unshaken confidence' and 'firmest faith' in his abilities. (76)

The death of the first Bishop of Brisbane, on 18 August 1881, (77) spurred O'Doherty into a public confession of his regard for Quinn:

   I loved him personally for three and twenty years ... There were
   points of sympathy between us--reminiscences of other times and
   other scenes--community of friends in far-off lands--similarity of
   tastes acquired amid surroundings very different from those of life
   in Queensland--which drew us much and closely together when I first
   came to this city, and which, now that he is gone, make me mourn him
   with a grief that only the most soul-united friends can feel. (78)

He recognised that Quinn had flaws, but begged that 'in the interest of religion' criticism and controversy be calmed. (79) Strong personal loyalty, Irish nationalism, and secular and religious necessity kept O'Doherty loyal to his bishop to the bitter end. (80) This loyalty was recognised in a testimonial presented to him in 1887 by the Irish of Sydney:

   Dr. O'Doherty, in good report and bad report has never been ashamed
   of his church or his country and, supported by his gifted wife, he
   has ever rendered his influential aid in advancing the interests of
   our holy religion in Australia: and for his native land, I need
   scarcely say, in his youthful days he passed through fire and
   water. (81)

Archbishop Polding had described Brisbane as the poorest diocese in Australia, but also the one with the most promise for religion. (82) On his arrival, 10 May 1861, Quinn is reputed to have stood in Queen Street and asked, 'Where is the city of Brisbane?' (83) He realised that in order to build up a strong church he would need the help and support of leaders within the developing community. He recognised that O'Doherty's background, as an ardent advocate of national rights, would make him a prominent and popular figure among Irish immigrants. In Van Diemen's Land, as a convict, O'Doherty had been prevented by his insurgent past from providing a similar service to Willson. Although often regarding the 1848 revolutionary efforts as simple folly, many of the Catholic clergy in Van Diemen's Land formed relationships with the Irish rebels on the basis of their nationality, education and station in life rather than their particular religious backgrounds or criminal status. While at no point does there seem to have been an officially stated policy issued at the hierarchical level on the subject of the Irish state prisoners, it is clear that even the Englishman, Bishop Willson, gradually became disposed to act towards them in a charitable and even friendly manner. In Queensland O'Doherty's role was elevated, due to his unfolding achievements in professional and social spheres, and his reputation as an Irish rebel and nationalist.

(1) 'Kevin Izod O'Doherty (1823-1905)'. in Douglas Pike (ed.), Australian Dictionary of Biography, Melbourne University Press. Melbourne, 1966, vol. 5, 1851-1890, p.355.

(2) Ross and Heather Patrick, Exiles Undaunted: The Irish Rebels Kevin and Eva O'Doherty University of Queensland Press, Brisbane, 1989, p.255.

(3) John Mitchel (1815-1875)', in Alfred Webb, Compendium of Irish Biography, Gill & Son, Dublin, 1878, pp.340-342;T.F. O'Sullivan, The Young Irelanders, The Kerryman, Tralee, 1944, p.238.

(4) Tribune, 10 June 1848, quoted in Patrick, Exiles, p.28.

(5) 'John Martin (1812-1875)', in Webb, pp.332-333.

(6) 'William Smith O'Brien (1803-1864)', in Pike, vol. 2, 1788-1850, pp.293-94.

(7) 'Thomas Francis Meagher (1823-1867)', in Webb, pp-338-339.

(8) 'Terence Bellews McManus (c. 1823-1860)', in Webb, p.316.

(9) 'Patrick O'Donohoe (1808-1854)', in O'Sullivan, pp.213-217.

(10) Denis Gwynn, 'William Smith O'Brien', in Irish Historical Studies, vol. 35, 1946, p.450; Desmond Ryan, The Fenian chief" a biography of James Stephens, Gill & Son, Dublin, 1967, p.70. John Blake Dillon blamed the peasants and felt that the opposition of local priests was 'in strict accordance with the dictates of conscience'; see Brendan O'Cathaoir, John Blake Dillon: Young Irelander, Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1990, p.106.

(11) John Mitchel, Last Conquest of Ireland (perhaps), Glasgow, n.d., pp. 197-8.

(12) Mitchel quoted in Peter O'Shaughnessy (ed.), The Gardens of Hell: John Mitchel in Van Diemen's Land, 1850-1853, Sydney, Kangaroo Press, 1988, p.65.

(13) John Williams, Irish Convicts of Van Diemen's Land, MA Thesis, University of Tasmania, 1972, p.216;P.A. Silliard, The Life and Letters of John Martin with Sketches of Thomas Devin Reilly, Father John Kenyon and other "Young Irelanders", John Duffy & Co., Dublin, 1893, p.147; George Rude, Protest and Punishment: The Story of the Social and Political Protestors Transported to Australia, 1788-1868, Oxford, 1978, p.224; James Fenton, History of Tasmania, Melanie Publications, Hobart, 1978, p.205.

(14) 'Robert William Willson (1794-1866)', in Pike, vol. 1, pp.607-608; W. T. Southerwood, The Convicts' Friend, Bishop R. Willson, Stella Maris Books, George Town, 1989; J. H. Cullen, 'Bishop Willson I-XVIII', Australasian Catholic Record (ACR), vol. xxvi, no. 4, 1949--vol. xxxi, no. 1, 1954; Kevin John Crowe, Missionary Reformer: The Social Work and Ideas of Robert William Willson, first Catholic Bishop of Hobart, BA thesis, University of Tasmania, 1968.

(15) 'William Hall (1807-1866)', in Pike, vol. 1, 1788-1850, pp.503-504.

(16) Patrick, Exiles, p.61.

(17) Rev. William Hall to Mrs Williams, 2 November 1849, NS 213/2/24, Archives Office of Tasmania, Hobart (AOT); Despite adverse reports regarding the state of Ireland and the 1848 rising, Jane Williams and her family in Bothwell developed an intimate friendship with both Martin and Mitchel. See Mrs Katherine Turton to Mrs Williams, 5 January 1848 and Robert Scot Skirving to Mrs Williams, 14 September 1848 in P.L. Brown (ed.), Clyde Company Papers, 1846-50, London, Oxford University Press, 1959, vol. IV, pp.259-264, 327-330; Reid Family Papers, NS 213-2/4, AOT.

(18) For convict regulations see Letters and Papers of the Irish Political Prisoners of the 1848 Insurrection, MM6, AOT; Mfm G15, National Library of Australia, Canberra (NLA).

(19) Southerwood, p.356; Cullen, 'Bishop Willson, VIII', ACR, vol. xxviii, no. 3, 1951, p.206.

(20) See Daniel O'Connell to Willson, 18, 29 March, 13, 15 April 1836 in Maurice O'Connell (ed.), The Correspondence of Daniel O'Connell, 1846-1847, Blackwater. Dublin, 1980, vol. VIII, pp.243-248; Southerwood, pp.13-14; Crowe, p. 12; Cullen, 'Bishop Willson 1', ACR, vol. xxvi, no. 5, 1949, pp.305-308.

(21) See Randall Clarke, 'The Relations between the Young Irelanders and O'Connell', Irish Historical Studies, vol. 3, 1942-3.

(22) For argument with Therry see 'John Joseph Therry (1790-1864),' in Pike, vol. 1, 1788-1850, pp.509-512; Eris O'Brien, Life and Letters of Archpriest John Joseph Therry, Founder of the Catholic Church in Australia, Angus & Robertson, Sydney, 1922, chapter x; P.F. Moran, History of the Catholic" Church in Australasia, Sydney, 1895. pp.266-268; T. L. Suttor, Hierarchy and Democracy in Australia, Melbourne, 1965, pp.87-88; Williams, pp.274-279.

(23) ibid., p.275; M. Roe, Quest for Authority in Eastern Australia 1835-1851, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1965, p.115; Moran, p.276; Crowe, p.31.

(24) ibid., pp.1, 12, 21, 26, 30.

(25) Patrick, Exiles, p.74; St. Paul's Church and the cottages at Anstey Barton were designed by Frederick Thomas, ex-convict author of Horrors of Transportation, as narrated in Letters from a Convict in Van Diemen's Land. See Anne Conlon, '"Mine is a Sad yet True Story": Convict Narratives 1818-1850', JRAHS. vol. 55, part I, March 1969, p.71.

(26) Southerwood, pp.235,236; Thomas Chisholm Anstey (1816-73), brother of Henry E Anstey' was MP for Youghal (1847-52) and a member of the Irish Confederation in 1847. He quarrelled with Young Ireland when he supported an Irish coercion bill but later lobbied unsuccessfully to prevent the transportation of O'Brien. See Richard Davis and Stefan Petrow (eds) Ireland & Tasmania 1848, Sesquicentenary Papers, Crossing Press, Sydney, 1998, p. 112.

(27) J. H. Cullen, Young Ireland in Exile, Talbot Press, Dublin, 1928, p. 128.

(28) Earl Grey quoted in Blanche Touhill, William Smith O'Brien and his Irish revolutionary companions in Penal Exile, University of Missouri Press, Columbia, 1981, p. 13.

(29) 'William Thomas Denison 11804-1871)', in Pike, vol. 4, 1851-1890, pp.46-53.

(30) William Denison, Varieties of a Vice Regal Life, Longmans, London, 1870, vol, 1, p. 133-134.

(31) Moran, p.270.

(32) Conduct Registers of Male Convicts Arriving on Non-Convict Ships or Locally Convicted, 840-1893, Con. 37/5, AOT.

(33) Willson to the Chairman of the Committee on Lunacy, 19 August 1863 in Cullen 'Bishop Willson, VI' ACR, vol. xxviii no. 1, January 1951, pp.37-38; 'He said that patients should be divided into three classes according to wealth and given what ever treatment they could afford', Crowe, p.81.

(34) Touhill, p.74; T. J. Kiernan The Irish Exiles in Australia, Burns & Oates Melbourne, 1954, p.123.

(35) Note from Comptroller General's Office, 15 August 1850, acknowledging surrender of ticket-of-leave, and appointing O'Doherty to be employed at Salt Water River as Dispenser, and paid 1/- per day, with quarters and usual rations, Letters and Papers of the Irish Political, Mfm G15, NLA; Note from Comptroller General's Office, 20 August 1850, agreeing to renewal of ticket-of-leave, MM6, AOT; P.R. Patrick, 'Kevin and Eva', Elkington Oration, Queens and Society of Health, 23 August, 1972, p.20.

(36) Crowe, pp.28-29.

(37) Note from Assistant Comptroller General, 19 November 1850, approving of O'Doherty's residence in Hobart, MM6, AOT; O'Donohoe and Willson persuaded Dr Crooke that by employing O'Doherty the proportion of Irish clientele in his dispensary, would increase.

(38) Willson to O'Doherty, 29 August 1850, in Kiernan, p. 125.

(39) For friendship see Southerwood, p.160,

(40) Meagher to Sir Colman O'Loghlen, 27 August 1851, Letters and Papers of the Irish Political Prisoners, Mfm G19, NLI; Irish Exile and Freedom's Advocate, 4, 18, 25 January, 1, 15, 22 February, 1, 8, 26 March and 5 April 1851 ; Richard Davis, 'Patrick O'Donohoe: Outcast of Exiles', in Bob Reece (ed.), Exiles from Erin: Convict Lives in Ireland and Australia, Macmillan, London, 1991, pp.266-270; P.A. Howell, 'The Irish Exiles: and Freedom's Advocate', Tasmanian Historical Research Association, P&P, vol. 26, no. 4, December 1979, p. 126; J. V. Townsend. 'Denison, O'Donohoe and Balfe, 1850-1852'. BA Thesis, University of Tasmania, 1972, pp.41-44.

(41) Touhill. pp.98-101.

(42) Father Hugh Magorian to the Hobarton Advertiser, n.d., in Cullen, Young Ireland, pp. 120-130; McManus to Meagher, 30 December 1850, on conditions at Cascades, in ibid., p.96; McManus to O'Doherty, 30 January 1851, in Kiernan, pp. 108-109.

(43) Southerwood, p.357.

(44) Martin to O'Doherty, November 1849, MM6. AOT; Mitchel confirms thai there was no Catholic clergy in the Bothwell district. O'Shaughnessy, p.37.

(45) O'Brien to O'Doherty, 27 December 1849, in Kieman, pp.72-73; Richard Davis, William Smith O'Brien, Revolutionary Imperialist, Crossing Press, Sydney, 1998, pp.313, 315.

(46) Mitchel quoted in O'Shaughnessy, p.39.

(47) For Mitchel on papal temporal and spiritual power see Steven R. Knowlton, ,The Politics of John Mitchel: A Reappraisal', in Eire-Ireland, vol. 22, no. 2, 1987, pp.49-50; On American accusations of red anti-clericalism against Meagher, see Thomas Keneally, The Great Shame: A Story of the Irish in the Old World and the New, Random House, Sydney, 1998, pp.257, 263; Robert G. Athearn, Thomas Francis Meagher: An Irish Revolutionary in America, New York, Arno Press, 1976, p.35; Denis Gwynn, 'Thomas Francis Meagher,' O'Donnell Lecture delivered at University College Cork July 1961 pp.40-41; For clashes between Archbishop Hughes of New York and Thomas D'Arcy McGee, Mitchel and Meagber see Will am Leonard Joyce Editors and Ethnicity: A History of the Irish-American Press, 1848-1883, Arno Press, 1976, pp.56-67, 80-81, 82-83, fn. 87. fn. 108, 109-110; For Dillon's criticism of the Pope's temporal power see O'Cathaoir, pp.120-121.

(48) James Quinn (1819-1881) was appointed Bishop of Brisbane on 14 April 1859. Cornelius Roberts, 'Bishop James Quinn: from Dublin o Brisbane' ACR vol. xxxvii, no. 2, 1960, p.119; Moran, p.607.

(49) Anne McLay, James Quinn, First Catholic Bishop of Brisbane, A Church Archivists' Society Publication, Toowoomba, 1989, p.223; R. Wynn, 'Kevin Izod O'Doherty in Australia', ACR, vol. xxvii, no. I, 1950, p.22; Patrick, Exiles, pp.117, 125.

(50) O'Doherty to Martin, ibid., p.113.

(51) Meagher advised against this since a medical diploma was unnecessary for practice in the United States, instead he recommended a move to Buenos Aires. Meagher to O'Doherty, 12 August 1857, in Kieman, p.104.

(52) O'Doherty to Martin, in Patrick, Exiles, p.113; for McEncroe's political opinions see Roe, pp.108, 110-111.

(53) Roberts, 'James Quinn's Roman Background', ACR, vol. xxvii, no. 1, 1960, p.16.

(54) Charles Gavan Duffy, My Life in Two Hemispheres, T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1898, p.27; McLay, pp.34-35; Patrick. Exiles, p.117; Quinn, en route to Brisbane in 1861, was instrumental in temporarily healing a rift between Daffy and John O'Shanassy which facilitated the formation of a new Victorian ministry. See Leon O'Broin, Charles Gavan Duffy, Patriot and Statesman: The Story of Charles Gavan Duffy (1816-1903), James Duffy & Co., Dublin, 1967, p.111; Cyril Pearl, The Three Lives of Gavan Duffy, New South Wales University Press, Sydney, 1979, p. 185; Eugene Doyle, 'Sir Charles Gavan Duffy's Land Act 1862: Victoria Through Irish Eyes', in Colm Kiernan (ed.), Australia & Ireland: Bicentenary Essays, 1788-1988, Gill & Macmillian, Dublin, 1986, p. 148; John Ireland, The Victorian Land Act of 1862 Revisited, MA Thesis, University of Melbourne, 1992, p.20.

(55) Nation (Dublin), 1 November 1862.

(56) Patrick, Exiles, pp.13-133; Keneally, pp.467-468; Wynne, pp.24-26; Roberts, pp.278-279; McLay, pp.63-69.

(57) ibid., p.65.

(58) Patrick, Exiles, pp.134, 141 (inspected the building of the Enoggera Reservoir), 147 (attended Bazaar held at All Hallows), 223 (centenary celebrations of the birth of Thomas Moore), 202-205 (organisation of the centenary of O'Connell's birth celebrations); Wynne, p.30; Roberts, p.15; Moran, pp.631-632; McLay, pp.186-188.

(59) Patrick, Exiles, pp.145-147 (Secretary of Committee to raise money for All Hallows convent and school; provided medical attention to the Sisters of Mercy), 148-148 (chaired a committee to raise funds for the building of St Stephens Cathedral; attended to sick children at St Vincent's Orphanage), 217-218 (involved in suspected outbreak of typhoid at All Hallows); P.R. Patrick, 'Kevin and Eva', p.33 (chaired meeting to finalise plans for the reception of NSW bishops at opening of St Stephen's Cathedral).

(60) Patrick, Exiles, pp. 161-163.

(61) ibid., pp. 194-196 (debate over government support for non-vested schools)

(62) ibid., pp.166-167, 184-185.

(63) O'Sullivan, p.242.

(64) ibid., p.241.

(65) T. P.Boland, 'Queensland Immigration Society I-III', ACR, vol. xxxix, no. 3, 1962--vol. xl, no, 3, 1963; T. P.Boland, 'James Quinn: Monarch of all he surveyed', Aquinas Memorial Lecture, 12 November 1979, pp.9-10.

(66) Wynne, p.24 (Quinn and O'Doherty greet Erin-go-Bragh immigrants).

(67) Patrick, Exiles, p.134.

(68) Boland, p.10.

(69) Keneally, pp.567-568.

(70) Moran, p.632; Patrick, Exiles, pp.224-226.

(71) ibid., p.243.

(72) McLay, p.222.

(73) Patrick, Exiles, p.243.

(74) Acting Under Colonial Secretary to O'Doherty, 12 May 1877. MM6, AOT; P.R. Patrick, Elkington Address, p.35; Touhill, p.214; Kenealy, p.615; Patrick, Exiles, pp.206-207. O'Doherty represented North Brisbane in the Legislative Assembly from 1867-73 before declining to renominate. He cited pressure of work and involvement in various committees as the reason for his decision. See Keneally, pp.469. 465-567.

(75) McLay, pp.200-213;Patrick, Exiles, pp.221, 228-230.

(76) ibid., p.229; Moran, p.625; Those loyal to Quinn took the opportunity of the opening of the Christian Brothers' College at Gregory Terrace, Brisbane, in January 1880 to present a memorial (signed by 750, including O'Doherty) of protest against the lay rebellion. See McLay, p.220.

(77) Moran, p.633.

(78) McLay, p.221; Wynne, p.31; Patrick, Exiles. p.231.

(79) ibid., p.231; Wynne, p.31.

(80) McLay, p.220.

(81) Patrick, Exiles, pp.255-6.

(82) Boland, p.7.

(83) McLay, p.42.

This paper was the winning submission for the Australian Catholic Historical Society--James MacGinley Award in 2000. Mella Cusack is engaged in research at the Australian Catholic University on the psychological survival and effects of transportation on the Young Ireland political prisoners, one of whom was Kevin Izod O'Doherty.

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