Crisis management is the modus operandi in Nigeria. In one instance, the new president, Umar Musa Yar'Adua, is struggling to control militants attacking oil and gas infrastructure and kidnapping expatriates in the Niger Delta. Flick the switch and his public admission that he is worth N856m to demonstrate that he is fighting endemic corruption has provoked a mixed response amongst the political elite about whether they should do the same.
And, continuously in the background, are the mumblings of discontent from fellow politicians and the public about the legitimacy of Yar'Adua's mandate. Among the arch critics is Prof Wole Soyinka, the first African to win a Nobel Prize for his literary work.
Soyinka has just published his newest memoir, You Must Set Forth At Dawn. He says the presidential election in April this year that brought President Umar Musa Yar'Adua to power is "one of the greatest disasters" to have befallen Nigeria. "It was a pre-determined result, violent and fraudulent," Soyinka insists.
He blames the former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, for "appointing" Yar'Adua as his successor. "[Obasanjo] has institutionalised politics of violence, manipulation, and disrespect for the law--this includes decisions by the Supreme Court. So [he] has instituted a reign of anomaly which was reflected in the elections."
About 200 people died during the election period. This attracted widespread condemnation in the West which had hoped that Nigeria would be an example of democracy to other African countries. However, the seeds for election fraud were sown by the British colonial masters before Nigeria's independence on 1 October 1960. Soyinka discloses in his memoir that the British rigged the first election in Nigeria to ensure that the conservatives in the North won because of fears that the Southern nationalists--in the East and the West--were radical threats.
"And so, to make absolutely certain that power did not fall into the wrong hands, specific instructions were issued by the British Home Office to its civil servants: the final results of elections to the federal legislature must be manipulated, where necessary, in favour of the political conservatives," Soyinka says matter of factly. Soyinka's views on Nigeria's former leaders are caustic, and he does not limit those views to wrongs in Nigeria alone. He has spoken out about Darfur, terrorism and religious fundamentalism. The fact that he is still alive, at 73, shows how much he is loved in Nigeria as so many tip-offs have saved his life.
Tim Cribb, the former director of studies in English at Cambridge University, describes Soyinka's personal fight against injustice as one that has "inspired countless individuals to take a stand on a score of issues. Whatever happens in actual politics, that is a permanent achievement".
Soyinka's memoir shares powerful memories and playful anecdotes about his political life in Nigeria, and gives some insight into the turbulent relationship he has had with Obasanjo. Soyinka was imprisoned from 1967 to 1969 during the Nigerian civil war, most of it in solitary confinement. Obasanjo became the military leader after Gen Murtala Mohammed was assassinated after the war, and Soyinka is annoyed with Obasanjo's "lies" over what happened.
"We've been on a roller-coaster since we first met," Soyinka says. "For Obasanjo's first coming, a lot of allowance was made for him because he had a lot of garbage to clear up. He was meant to have an interim regime until there were proper elections. People love to exaggerate and forget the general mood of Nigeria when he first arrived. …