Magazine article The Spectator

The Hoodie-Hugging, Polly-Praising, Huskiedrawn Days Are over. the Tories Are Back

Magazine article The Spectator

The Hoodie-Hugging, Polly-Praising, Huskiedrawn Days Are over. the Tories Are Back

Article excerpt

For a party still facing defeat at the next general election, the Conservatives left Blackpool feeling remarkably upbeat. 'It's the spirit of Gallipoli, ' said a veteran of William Hague's election campaign. 'They're united against Brown, ' mused one shadow Cabinet member.

Neither image is quite right. This was no deluded optimism, no awestruck reaction to David Cameron's speech. The mood at the conference had changed long before he stood up on Wednesday. Something had gone badly right.

The week started with the party in a murderous mood, with talk at the candidates' party centring on who would replace the evidently doomed Mr Cameron. He had focused too much on image, ran the draft postmortems, without explaining what a Conservative government would do. Parliamentary candidates complained they had no ammunition when they went on the doorsteps, that they would struggle to give a reason for people to vote Tory.

By Monday, it was clear that all this was to change. The same candidates can now say - for instance - that a vote for the Tories is a vote to raise the inheritance tax threshold from £300,000 to £1 million. This is a political masterstroke, addressing the heartfelt concerns of millions who spend much time thinking of ways to cut the taxman out of their will. The abolition of stamp duty under £250,000 is a gesture, but a welcome gesture nonetheless, aligning the party with the spirit of aspiration. And few will shed a tear for the 117,000 foreign workers with non-domicile status from whom the party is (rather optimistically) looking for the cash to balance the books.

Many of the policies which came out of this conference have yet to be picked up properly by the media. Take, for example, the welfare reform which Mr Cameron almost casually announced. A few months ago, he privately ruled out campaigning on this very area of policy in case he was accused of being heartless. Now, he explicitly presents as his model the robust welfare reform pioneered in Wisconsin. Those on incapacity benefits who refuse a proffered job will disqualify for benefits, he says. Tough love, indeed.

Mr Cameron believes that this agenda has tremendous potential: once, he might have been accused of targeting the most vulnerable, but now the public increasingly regards welfare dependency as a scourge that needs to be tackled. In ten years of economic growth, the number on out-of-work benefits has fallen from 5.7 million to 5.4 million - an appallingly insignificant change. This is Mr Cameron's way into the immigration debate: explaining how the unprecedented influx of newcomers to our shores is a direct result of paying so many people to do nothing.

But perhaps the most radical policy is on education. Without undue fanfare Michael Gove, the schools spokesman, has pledged to bring to Britain the policy which revolutionised education in Sweden. Any group of teachers would now be able to set up a school, so long as it met certain minimum standards. Such schools would be genuinely independently run. These simple rules offer the prospect of nothing less than a supply side revolution in education. In his own speech, Mr Cameron placed this policy at the heart of his party's education programme.

His task now that the conference has dispersed will be to get across just how radical these policies are. Just as it was hard for Soviet-era Muscovites to imagine bulging supermarkets, so will the British electorate struggle to imagine a world in which pupils and their parents choose schools and not vice versa. …

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