Magazine article Foreign Affairs

Warning Signs: A Response to "The Calm before the Storm"

Magazine article Foreign Affairs

Warning Signs: A Response to "The Calm before the Storm"

Article excerpt

Intelligence analysts have labored for years to identify the factors that make countries unstable. For those wanting to anticipate the next failed state, Nassim Nicholas Taleb and Gregory Treverton ("The Calm Before the Storm," January/February 2015) offer a counterintuitive insight: "Disorderly regimes come out as safer bets than commonly thought-and seemingly placid states turn out to be ticking time bombs." But the authors fail to support that claim, and their proposed method for assessing a state's fragility does not appear to offer anything better than the early warning methods already in use.

Taleb and Treverton point to "five principal sources" of fragility: "a centralized governing system, an undiversified economy, excessive debt and leverage, a lack of political variability, and no history of surviving past shocks." These variables are indeed important, as other forecasting models recognize. In particular, intelligence analysts have long evaluated what is called "state resilience" to internal and external shocks. The challenge has always been to determine in advance whether a state under stress will bend or break.

Discussing the recent experiences of Syria and Lebanon, Taleb and Treverton suggest that their own approach could have predicted that the former would descend into violent chaos while the latter would remain relatively stable. In the case of Syria, however, it is far from clear that concentrating on their five indicators of fragility would have been especially illuminating. According to statistics from its central bank, Syria's economy was in fact quite diversified before the civil war, divided among agriculture (22 percent of gdp), industry and excavation (25 percent), retail (23 percent), and tourism (12 percent). The country's external debt had plummeted in 2005 and stayed low afterward. Syria had also ridden out major challenges in recent history, surviving the 1982 uprising in the city of Hama and the prolonged succession crisis occasioned by the declining health and eventual death of its strongman leader Hafez al-Assad in 2000. True, Syria was a highly centralized state. But what made the country vulnerable was less authoritarianism per se than the fact it rested on minority sectarian rule. Exogenous factors, such as the civil war raging in Iraq and the successive droughts in northeastern Syria, also contributed.

As for Lebanon, Taleb and Treverton are right that it has proved relatively robust. They attribute this outcome to the country's decentralized political structure and relatively open economy but ignore the inconvenient fact that its external debt grew substantially before 2011, which under their model should promote instability. It is also plausible that the still vivid memories of a horrific civil war, along with the restraining influence of external actors such as Iran and its proxy Hezbollah, have also played a part. What's more, Lebanon's resilience may well not last. Some things, after all, snap from accumulated stress rather than sudden shocks.

A closer look at the other cases Taleb and Treverton highlight further calls their model into question. They label Egypt "fragile" because it manifests so many of the factors they consider critical. But someone could just as reasonably conclude that it has shown remarkable resilience by reverting to military rule after the revolution and not falling apart. Judging by the generals' past staying power, moreover, the current regime could remain in place for a long time, especially if several Persian Gulf states continue to prop it up financially. …

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