AGAIN, low politics. Another high-minded reformist leader knelt
down before jealously guarded corrupt politicians. Japanese Prime
Minister Morihiro Hosokawa decided to step down after a month of
boycott of Diet sessions by politicians in the Liberal Democratic
Party (LDP) who had protested his receipt in 1982 of $950,000 from
a mob-related trucking company. Very prematurely, his eight-month
crusade against political corruption came to an end.
Mr. Hosokawa was the hope for a new Japan. After years of LDP
political corruption and internal strife, the Japanese held high
expectations for the dynamic young prime minister. But the
new-breed Hosokawa was punished by die-hard old politics for having
been part of it before. Shelving their own or their colleagues'
colossal financial improprieties, LDP politicians brought down the
genuine reformer by the same old tactics.
In a land where average junior politicians each spend at least
$2 million a year to maintain their constituencies, Hosokawa's
money scandal seems relatively minor. But he has been fighting
against the essence of Japanese political culture: money politics.
It became a legitimate tradition during the LDP's 38-year rule.
Some implication in dubious sources of campaign financing is the
norm there. Almost everybody has a little skeleton in the closet.
Hosokawa himself was an LDP politician until recently. But his
impropriety in his personal finance pales compared with others,
including his predecessors and his own kingmaker, Ichiro Ozawa.
Here lies Japan's paradox: to reach the apex of power,
politicians cannot avoid money politics. If one is naive and stays
clean, the chance to rise is slim. Integrity and qualifications do
not count much. A clean politician tends to be a figurehead who is
remote-controlled by money-immersed shadow shoguns.
Despite political instability, neither chaos nor an economic
downturn will ensue. Yet this is not necessarily good news. His
abrupt resignation confirmed the vulnerability and weakness of
Japanese premiership. If every Japanese prime minister leaves
office after only a year or two or less, nobody in that office can
achieve anything significant. Japan's political ineptitude is
likely to persist, while the administrative state run by
self-perpetuating bureaucrats will continue to defy major change.
In the eyes of old-guard Japanese politicians, Hosokawa could
have been a modern Japanese Don Quixote. He is a patrician warlord
who cannot put up with low politics. He has already left a legacy.
He broke up the so-called "Iron Triangle," a collusive
triumvirate among LDP political leaders, business leaders, and
senior bureaucrats. He partially opened the rice market. He
acknowledged Japan's wartime aggression and offered an apology to
its neighbors. His cabinet approved an economic reform plan. Most
important, he passed the political reform bill. Although the
opposition diluted it, its impact will last.
Since Hosokawa has been the symbol of political reform and
economic deregulation, his departure is a setback for Japan and the