Ward and Rustow, op. cit.
Holt and Turner, op. cit.
Huntington, "Political Modernization," op. cit., p. 378.
J. P. Nettl, "The State as a Conceptual Variable," World Politics, XX, No. 4 (1968), 559-592.
Ibid., pp. 565-566; Nettl's italics.
Ibid., p. 560; our italics.
S. M. Lipset and S. Rokkan, "Cleavage Structures,
Party Systems and Voter Alignments: An Introduction," in
Lipset and Rokkan, op. cit., pp. 1-64.
On this project see V. R. Lorwin, "Historians and
Other Social Scientists: The Comparative Study of Nation‐
Building in Western Societies," in S. Rokkan, ed., Comparative Research across Cultures and Nations (Paris: Mouton,
1968). A first report on an attempt at a systematization of
data on electoral arrangements and party systems in these
eleven countries (the five Nordic countries, the three
BE-NE-LUX ones, Ireland, Switzerland, and Austria) will
be found in S. Rokkan, "The Structuring of Mass Politics in
the Smaller European Democracies," Comparative Studies
in Society and History, X, No. 2 (1968), 173-210.
Lipset and Rokkan, op. cit., pp. 44-46.
Cf. the discussion of the conditions for the breakdown
of European multiparty systems in Lipset and Rokkan, op. cit. pp. 50-56.
A. Banks and R. Textor, A Cross-Polity Survey (Cambridge : M.I.T. Press, 1963).
See the volumes listed in footnote 2 and especially
Lucian Pye, Aspects of Political Development (Boston:
Little, Brown, 1965), and "Political Systems and Political
Development," in Rokkan, ed., Comparative Research across
Cultures and Nations, op. cit., pp. 93-101.
Cf. O. Cornblit, T. DiTella and E. Gallo, "A Model
for Political Change in Latin America," Social Science Information, VII, No. 2 (1968), 13-48.
See Rokkan, "The Structuring," op. cit., pp. 180-197.
For a full statement of the assumptions and an initial
discussion of the fit for the larger polities, see Lipset and
Rokkan, "Cleavage Structure," op. cit., pp. 36-50.
E. Rumpf, Nationalismus und Sozialismus, op. cit.,
J. G. A. Pocock, "The Case of Ireland Truly Stated:
Revolutionary Politics in a Context of Increasing Stabilization," Paper, Department of History, Washington University,
St. Louis, 1966.
See S. Rokkan, "Geography, Religion and Social Class:
Cross-Cutting Cleavages in Norway," in Lipset and Rokkan, Party Systems, op. cit.
See especially E. Jutikkala, "Political Parties in the
Elections of Deputies to the Estate of Burgesses and the
Estate of Farmers," Sitzungsber. der finn. Akad. Wiss.
(1960), pp. 167-184, particularly at p. 175 ("one of the
most striking examples of a geographical division of public
opinion in any European country in modern time"); also
O. Rantala, "The Political Regions of Finland," Scandinavian
Political Studies, II (1967), 117-140. Erik Allardt has based
a number of his ecological factor analyses on the regional
demarcation originally established on the basis of the votes
for Old Finns vs. Young Finns.
For further details see Lipset and Rokkan, "Cleavage
Structures," op. cit., pp. 44-46. Barrington Moore, Jr.,
focuses his theory of the conditions for the emergence of
stable representative democracy on the alternative options
for land-industry-state alliances; see Moore, op. cit., especially Ch. 7.
See Rokkan, "Electoral Mobilization," op. cit., and
S. Rokkan, ed., Data Archives for the Social Sciences (Paris
and The Hague: Mouton, 1966).
Robert N. Bellah
To me the real heroes of this early Meiji period,
the real beginning of the whole modernization of
Japan and of real democracy, are those who questioned the basic value system of Edo society and
who sought to reform the fabric of social relations
inherited from that society. In this context I would
be inclined to value the enlightenment thinkers, Keimō Shisōka, quite highly and probably consider
them more highly than any thinkers of the Jiyū‐ Minken Undō. Also I would include the Christians
who, as you know, played such an important role
in many aspects of life in the Meiji period in questioning the old assumptions and in working for reforms at all kinds of levels. I would include in my
list of heroes Ueki in his role of reformer of society,
more than in his role of political ideologist of the Jiyū-Minken Undō and I especially think that Fukuzawa Yukichi is worthy of very serious attention.
He is guilty of an explicit utilitarianism with respect
to "Fukoku kyōhei," and yet I feel that his position
goes much deeper than any such surface expression,
that he was expressing a really revolutionary way of
thinking about human relations basically in a non‐
political way, that he is not to be evaluated primarily
as a political thinker but in terms of his role as a