Political Sociology: A Reader

By S. N. Eisenstadt | Go to book overview
ern" nationalism of any "tribal" impurities is shown by H. Arendt in The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York, 1951).
15.
He was chided for this by H. Gerth in his review of The Idea of Nationalism in the American Journal of Sociology, LI, 341.
16.
Cf. Hayes, The Historical Evolution of Modern Nationalism.
17.
Cf. J. D. Clarkson, " 'Big Jim' Larkin: A Footnote to Nationalism," Nationalism and Internationalism, ed. by E. M. Earle (New York, 1950), pp. 45-63.
18.
R. Heberle, Social Movements (New York, 1951), Ch. I.
19.
Although the existence or non-existence of some "nations" represented by particular nationalist movements was sometimes argued about.
20.
E.g., T. Hodgkin in his Nationalism in Colonial Africa (New York, 1957).
21.
Cf. R. Emerson, From Empire to Nation. J. S. Coleman applies to both the term "nationalism" but distinguishes between its traditional and modern forms. Cf. his Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (Berkeley, 1963).
22.
For a general view of various reactions to conquest, cf. A. Toynbee, The World and the West (New York, 1953).
23.
L. Wirth, "Types of Nationalism," American Journal of Sociology, XLI ( 1936), 723-737. This article was recently reprinted in the Bobbs-Merrill reprint series.
24.
L. Wirth, "The Problem of Minority Groups," The Science of Man in the World Crisis, ed. by R. Linton (New York, 1945). This article was recently reprinted in Theories of Society, ed. by T. Parsons and others.
25.
Wirth mentions also the fourth orientation found among some minority groups, namely the desire to be completely assimilated to the dominant group, but since this orientation, if adopted by the whole group and accepted as desirable by the dominant majority, would eventually lead to the disappearence of a given minority, it cannot be considered a minority "movement" in the same sense of the term as the other three. It is also an extremely rare phenomenon, if considered in reference to whole minority groups, not just individuals, but it does occur. An example of such a minority group which is not interested in preserving its distinct identity is the American Negroes.
26.
Wirth, American Journal of Sociology, XLI, 725.
27.
Following in part F. Znaniecki and in part R. M. Maclver.
28.
I have attempted to discuss some of the problems of such an approach to nationalism in my paper "Nationalism Considered as a Social Movement" presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Sociological Society in Milwaukee (1963).
29.
I am not concerned at this point with the nature of the state in which one or the other solution is possible.
30.
Cf. R. Emerson, From Empire to Nation, p. 95 and passim.
31.
Cf. R. Linton, "Nativistic Movements," American Anthropologist, XLV (1943), 230-240; A. F. C. Wallace, "Revitalization Movements," ibid., LVIII (1956), 264-281; P. M. Worsley, "Millenarian Movements in Melanesia," Rhodes-Livingston Journal, XXI (March, 1957), 18-31; B. Barber, "Acculturation and Messianic Movements," American Sociological Review, VI (1941), 663-669. Cf. also Millennial Dreams in Action, ed. by S. L. Thrupp (The Hague, 1962), and The Pursuit of the Millennium by N. Cohn (New York, 1961).
32.
It seems inadvisable to include among the varieties of nationalist movements another category which is frequently distinguished, especially by students of African developments, namely regional or pan-continental "nationalisms," Panmovements, when not the instruments of the policy of some aggressive power (as was the case with Pan-Germanism or Pan-Slavism), are usually to be considered a way of bolstering the nationalisms developing among a number of related weaker nationalities which on their own could hardly hope to achieve their aims of independence and unity. They belong rather to another level of group solidarities, those that reach beyond the limits of a nationality or a nation.

75
Formulating a National Identity

Seymour Martin Lipset

All states that have recently gained independence are faced with two interrelated problems, legitimating the use of political power and establishing national identity. And if it is a democratic polity they seek to establish, they must develop institutional and normative constraints upon efforts to inhibit organized opposition or to deny civil liberties to individual critics of those in power.

This section has explored ways in which these

problems were confronted in the early history of the United States. National identity was formed under the aegis, first of a charismatic authority figure, and later under the leadership of a dominant "left wing" or revolutionary party led successively by three Founding Fathers. The pressures in new nations to outlaw opposition movements were reduced in America by the rapid decline of the conservative opposition. The revolutionary, democratic values that thus became part of the national self-image, and the basis for its authority structure, gained legitimacy as they proved effective—that is, as the nation prospered.

____________________
From Seymour M. Lipset, The First New Nation: The United States in Historical and Comparative Perspective (New York: Basic Books, 1963), pp. 90-98. Copyright 1963 by Seymour M. Lipset. Reprinted by permission of the publishers, Basic Books and Heinemann Educational Books Ltd.

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