Political Sociology: A Reader

By S. N. Eisenstadt | Go to book overview
25.
Kohn, Pan-Slavism, 169.
26.
A. D. Gradovskii, Sobranie Sochinenii, VI (St. Petersburg, 1901), 359-362.
27.
Ibid., 360.
28.
Sarkisyanz, Russland, 157.
29.
Konstantin Pobedonostsev, L'autocratie russe (Paris, 1927), 627. A measure of the difficulty faced by a Russian statesman who wished to be both a nationalist and a defender of the undiminished authority of the state is Pobedonostsev's assertion that the state was an expression of the national will and of the national faith and his belief that there could be no institution or individual whose power did not derive from that of the state, which was absolute. There was, in reality, no opportunity for the national will or national tradition to define or assert themselves unless one assumed that these were always identical with the will of the state. Even Pobedonostsev could not claim that such an identity always existed, and he was highly critical of Nicholas I for the alienation of his court from the people and of Alexander II for the introduction of non-Russian principles into Russian life.
30.
Peter Struve, "My Contacts and Conflicts with Lenin," Slavonic Review, XII (April 1934), 575. Compare also Riasanovsky's Russia and the West, 199, concerning A. Kireev's restatement of Slavophilism.
31.
A. A. Kornilov, Modern Russian History (New York, 1943), II, 340. The domestic political implications of a statement by the poet Leonid Andreev were unmistakable: "If the German be our enemy, then this war is necessary; if the English and the French be our friends and allies, then this war is good and its purpose is good." (Ibid., 346.)
32.
V. V. Shul'gin, Dni (Belgrade, 1925).
33.
D. Muretov, "Etiudy o natsionalizme," Russlmia Mysl', 1916, no. 1, 64-72.
34.
E. N. Trubetskoi in Russkaia Mysl', 1916, no. 4, 79-87.
35.
V. S. Soloviev, Sobranie Sochinenii, V (St. Petersburg, 1883-1897), i.

77
The Revolt against the West

Geoffrey Barraclough

The development of the nationalist movements in Asia and Africa occurred in three stages. The first can be identified with the "proto-nationalism" we have already considered. It was still preoccupied with saving what could be saved of the old, and one of its main characteristics was the attempt to re‐ examine and reformulate the indigenous culture under the impact of western innovation. The second stage was the rise of a new leadership of liberal tendencies, usually with middle-class participation— a change of leadership and objectives not inappropriately described by Marxist historiography as "bourgeois nationalism." Finally, there was the broadening of the basis of resistance to the foreign colonial power by the organization of a mass following among peasants and workers and the forging of links between the leaders and the people. Not surprisingly these developments proceeded at different paces in different countries, and could be complicated by the impact of an exceptional personality, such as Gandhi, who fitted uneasily into any recognized category of revolutionary leadership. They took place more slowly in countries such as India,

which pioneered the revolutionary techniques, and more quickly in countries where nationalist movements developing after the process of decolonization had begun could benefit from the precedent and example of the older areas of discontent. In Burma, for example, nationalist developments which in India lasted for almost three-quarters of a century were telescoped into the decade between 1935 and 1945, 1 while in the Belgian Congo, less than four years before it became independent in 1960, Lumumba was still content to ask for "rather more liberal measures" for the small Congolese élite within the framework of Belgian colonialism, and it was not until 1958 that he founded the first mass party on a territorial basis, the Mouvement National Congolais. 2 Nevertheless there is a clear pattern running through the nationalist movements, and the sequence observable in Asia and Africa seems in all essentials to be the same; in most cases, also, the three stages of development can be identified with the policies and actions of specific leaders.

The process of change is clearest in India. Here the representative names are Gokhale, Tilak and Gandhi, and the stages of development correspond fairly accurately to the three periods in the history of Congress: 1885-1905, 1905-1919, 1920-1947. In its earlier phase Congress was little more than

____________________
From Geoffrey Barraclough, An Introduction to Contemporary History (New York: Basic Books, 1965), pp. 173-179, 185-190. Copyright 1964 by Geoffrey Barraclough. Reprinted by permission of Basic Books and C. A. Watts Co.

-481-

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