Miller, "One-Party Politics and the Voter," American
Political Science Review, L (September 1956), 707-725.
See John E. Kersell, Parliamentary Supervision of
Delegated Legislation (London: Stevens & Sons, 1960).
Kersell does not make an explicit general comparison, but
his judgments concerning the relative immunity of political
heads of departments from criticism (p. 4), and the elaborateness of the supervisory machinery and the date of its
development (chap. vii) are consistent with the ordering
Quoted in Henry J. Abraham, The Judicial Process
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 187.
Stein Rokkan and Angus Campbell, "Norway and the
United States of America," International Social Science
Journal, XII (1960), 69-99. I have computed an index of
class voting from their data, given in Table 9; the figure for
the United States is +14; for Norway, +47 (combining the
Socialist and Communist parties) (p. 88). Norway's class
voting level is thus close to Britain's. The political disinctiveness of the working class in Norway is much greater than
that of the British working class, however.
R. Taft and K. Walker, "Australia," in Arnold M.
Rose, ed., The Institutions of Advanced Societies (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1958), p. 159.
Since Quebec comprises one-third of Canada, its high
level of political corruption may be considered evidence of
the differential between Canada and the other English-speaking countries (if we may consider Canada as a nation—and
therefore the attributes of its component parts as in some
degree reflections of the whole). Trudeau considers Quebec
corruption to reflect the lack of commitment by Quebecers
to the institutions and morality of democracy. The manipulation of those institutions by the English in the early years of
Canada produced such a reaction. See Pierre E. Trudeau,
"Some Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec," in Mason Wade,
ed., Canadian Dualism (Toronto: University of Toronto
Press, 1960), pp. 244-247. Articles in The New York Times,
November 19 and 22, 1959, following the death of Quebec
Premier Maurice Duplessis, noted that observers did not
expect a change in the spoils system characteristic of Quebec
See M. Lipset, Political Man (New York: Doubleday,
1959), pp. 77-83.
See S. M. Miller and Herrington Bryce, "Social
Mobility and Economic Growth and Structure," Kölner
Zeitschrift für Soziologie (forthcoming). Britain was lower
than the United States in percentage increase in national
product (1900-1950), percentage increase in national product
per capita (same years), and current product per man-hour
(United States dollars); however, it was higher in percentage
of national income paid to "employees."
Particular historical and political features of elections
in each country obviously may have speeded up or slowed
down conservative drifts. If Eisenhower had won on the
Democratic ticket in 1952, clearly the Republican trend
would have been invisible.
Arthur M. Ross and Paul T. Hartman, Changing
Patterns of Industrial Conflict (New York: Wiley, 1960),
pp. 72, 77.
Ross and Hartman agree that more and longer strikes
should be associated with the absence of a labor party.
Where no such party exists, collective bargaining is normally
settled by a trial of economic strength. Ibid., p. 163.
Democracy and the Common Life
A. D. Lindsay
The argument for democratic as contrasted with
expert leadership is that political wisdom needs more
than anything else an understanding of the common
life; and that that wisdom is given not by expert
knowledge but by a practical experience of life. If
the defect of the expert is his onesidedness, the
merit of the practical man of common-sense judgement will be his all-round experience. The simple
agricultural societies where democracy flourishes and
seems native to the soil produce naturally men of
common sense and sound judgement, appraisers
alike of men and horses. The men whom we readily
think of as men of sound judgement though unlearned have often had that kind of training. The
part played by the village cobbler or blacksmith in
the democratic life of a village has often been
noticed. The inhabitants of a natural democracy like
the New England township described in Mr. Winston
Churchill's Coniston are independent, accustomed to
act on their own, and to make judgements within
the scope of their experience.
Modern industrialism has taken away from the
great mass of men in an industrialized community
their independence. It has condemned very many of
them to specialized and narrow lives. Their lives are
far more specialized and far narrower than the lives
of the experts whom our democratic argument has
been putting in their place, and they are without the
expert's skill or knowledge or his partial independence. Where under such conditions are the
common-sense qualities and sound judgement of the
ordinary man to be found? How can we keep a