other combination of forces and factors which may
be brought into play.
But is there any reason for confidence that the
kind of conditions which surrounded democracy in
a few countries at a given time in history will produce democracy elsewhere at a different time; or are
the people of many countries going to be prepared
to let their political affairs be run for them by
essentially self-selected elites, shaken up from time
to time by revolutionary outbursts?
For the foreseeable future, as the armed forces
of the new countries grow, the taking over of governments by the military will be a more and more
frequent occurrence. Although Ayub Khan has
endowed Pakistan with basic democracies, for the
military regimes as for the one-party one-man governments the return to liberal parliamentary democracy of the Western type is on the whole less rather
than more likely to come to pass.
See my From Empire to Nation (Cambridge, Massachusetts : Harvard University Press, 1960).
Robert E. Ward has made a brief and suggestive inquiry into the meaning of political modernization in the
opening pages of his "Political Modernization and Political
Culture in Japan," World Politics (July 1963), pp. 569-596.
Edward Shils, Political Development in the New
States (Gravenhage, Mouton & Co., 1962), p. 30.
West Africa, March 29, 1958, p. 304.
Cabinet Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1937), p. 15.
Cited by Susan and Peter Ritner, "Africa's Constitutional Malarky," New Leader, June 10, 1963, p. 20.
Cited by Gerald S. Maryanov, Decentralization in
Indonesia as a Political Problem (Southeast Asia Program,
Cornell University, 1958), pp. 49-50.
Ghana Today, June 6, 1962. He continued on to contend that only the mistakes a government made justified an
opposition; therefore, to say that an opposition is necessary
for democracy implies that a government must make mistakes
to allow the opposition to stay; which has the effect of
Democracy and the Party System, pp. 14-15. (This is
a pamphlet written by Nyerere, and published, without date,
by the Tanganyika Standard Limited, Dar es Salaam.)
The Ideologies of the Developing Nations, edited by
Paul E. Sigmund (New York: Praeger, 1963), p. 176. A
more radical version was put forward by Sékou Touré:
"... if the dictatorship exerted by the government is the
direct emanation of the whole of the people, dictatorship is
of a democratic nature and the State is a democratic State,
democracy being the exercise, by the people, of National
Sovereignty." Towards Full Re-Africanization (Paris, Présence Africaine, 1959), p. 28.
Jean Lacouture and Jean Baumier, Le poids du tiers
monde (Paris, Arthaud, 1962), p. 172. The New York Times
Book Review, July 21, 1963, carries on its front page a
picture of a wall in Guayaquil, Ecuador, on which is crudely
scrawled: "130 anos de elecciones—130 anos de MISERIA."
Cited by Carl G. Rosberg, Jr., "Decocracy and the
New African States" in African Affairs, Number Two (St.
Antony's Papers, Number 15), edited by Kenneth Kirkwood
(London, Chatto & Windus, 1963), p. 30.
Cited from Afrique-Action, October 7, 1961, by
Clement Moore in an unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,
Harvard University, 1963.
West Africa, June 22, 1963, p. 703.
"The Party System in Africa," Foreign Affairs, July,
1963, p. 653.
Democracy and the Party System, p. 7.
Politics, Social Structure, and Military Intervention
in Latin America
The recent politico-military events of Turkey,
Pakistan, Egypt, and even France demonstrate that
the application of unabashed armed might to the
solution of civic problems is not peculiar to Latin
America, nor indeed a phenomenon to be correlated
only with economic underdevelopment. Public violence and political instability in Latin America have
all too often been treated either as merely comic or
else a manifestation of "spirit," "temperament," or
"Latin blood." Riots in the streets of Buenos Aires
are no less tragic than riots in the streets of Algiers
—and no less related to the basic facts of social dis