20. The Outcome

I HAVE ALREADY STATED my belief that the policy of democratic world order would prove successful. From the point of view of the United States, success for this policy, or for any policy, would, in the first place, mean the assurance of survival. Negatively, success would mean the defeat of the communist plan for world conquest and the reduction of communist power to insignificance. But, given the existing world political situation, success must mean much more. It must include a method for controlling atomic weapons, which, we have seen, can only be through an absolute monopoly in their production and possession. It must provide for the organization of a world political system which would be workable and through which a general, total war could be prevented. These two requirements, which are of no more special concern to the United States than to the world at large, can also be fulfilled by this policy. In addition, though here we look beyond the present historical period to which alone this policy is directly relevant, the achievement of its specific aims could be used as a bridge toward the goal of a genuine world government.

All this is not merely logically possible. With the available means, it could actually be done. With a determined leadership in, and by, the United States, it would be done. I do not wish to suggest that it could be done easily, or with small cost. The most optimistic account of the present state of the world will be very black. The most hopeful route out of the crisis will be hard and painful and, most probably, bloody.

The determined leadership may arise, in response to the world challenge. What if it does not, what then will be the outcome?

If it does not, the United States will follow what I have described as a policy of vacillation. This policy will in no way check the intensification of the crisis, or the progress of the world struggle. The struggle will go, and the flood of war will break at a moment for

-242-

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