Working Together: How Workplace Bonds Strengthen a Diverse Democracy

By Cynthia Estlund | Go to book overview

NOTES

Chapter 1
1
Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster 2000) [hereinafter Bowling Alone]; Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: America's Declining Social Capital, 6 J. Democracy 65 (1995) [hereinafter Declining Social Capital].
2
Robert D. Putnam, The Strange Disappearance of Civic America, 24 Am. Prospect 34 (1996) [hereinafter Putnam, Strange Disappearance].
3
See, e.g., Andrew Greeley, The Other Civic America: Religion and Social Capital, 32 Am. Prospect 68 (1997); Alejandro Portes & Patricia Landolt, The Downside of Social Capital, 26 Am. Prospect 18 (1996); Theda Skocpol, Unravelling from Above, 25 Am. Prospect 20 (1996); Sidney Verba et al., The Big Tilt: Participatory Inequality in America, 32 Am. Prospect 74 (1997).
4
In Putnam's early accounts, the workplace appears only as a possible culprit in the decline of America's social capital. See Putnam, Strange Disappearance, supra note 2, at 35. But later accounts recognize it as a potential source of social capital. See Putnam, Bowling Alone, supra note 1, at 85–92; Better Together: Report of the Saguaro Seminar: Civic Engagement in America(Kennedy School of Government, Harvard Univ. 2001).
5
See Ernest Gellner, Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and Its Rivals (London: Hamish Hamilton 1992).
6
See, e.g., Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms 366–67 (Cambridge: Polity Press 1996); Jean L. Cohen & Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory ix (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press 1992); John Ehrenberg, Civil Society: The Critical History of an Idea 235 (New York: NYU Press 1999).
7
Other contemporary theorists maintain a broader definition of civil society that includes corporations—s ee, e.g., Neil MacCormick, Institutions and Laws Again, 77 Tex. L. Rev. 1429, 1435 (1999)—and some workplace ties. See Francis Fukuyama, Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity 4 (New York: Free Press 1995); Alan Wolfe, Whose Keeper? Social Science and Moral Obligation 20 (Berkeley: U. of Cal. Press 1989).
8
Juliet B. Schor, The Overworked American: The Unexpected Decline of Leisure (New York: Basic Books 1991).
9
The average American from 18 to 64 years of age spends about 26 hours per week working and about 2 hours in religious and other organizations, while employed adults spend more time at work (about 35 hours), id. at 95, and less in voluntary organizations. John P. Robinson & Geoffrey Godbey, Time for Life: The Surprising Ways Americans Use Their Time 94–95, 170–74 (University Park: Penn. State U.P. 1997).
10
See Robert Huckfeldt et al., Political Environments, Cohesive Social Groups, and the Communication of Public Opinion, 39 Am. J. Pol. Sci. 1025, 1031–32 (1995); Bruce C. Straits,

-183-

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