Encyclopedia of Contemporary Spanish Culture

By Eamonn Rodgers; Valerie Rodgers | Go to book overview

Labyrinth) (1955). But each time there is a sense of gain, whether in individual identity or, increasingly, in a collective awareness or the articulation of a collective voice. In Cementiri de Sinera, for example, individual observation leads to social observances, and the political or civic concerns implicit in the earlier collections culminate in La pell de brau (The Bull-Hide) (1960). This collection contains a clear rebuke to Franco and marks the involvement of Espriu with the Catalan nationalist and democratic aspirations of the 1960s, seen in the adoption of his poetry by the singers of the Nova Cançó, and in his arrest after participating in the student sit-in at the Monastery of Sarrià in 1966. In the 1960s, too, Espriu’s works were adapted for dramatic presentation: La pell de brau was performed at the Mataró Glassworks, while a more ambitious project involved the reworking of several texts into the Ronda de Mort a Sinera (Patrol of Death in Sinera). A poet of impressive lyrical restraint and ethical sobriety, Espriu has been justly described by Manuel Vázquez Montalbán as one of the symbols of Catalan cultural and moral resistance to Francoism.


Further reading

b
Bogin, M. (1988) Selected Poems of Salvador Espriu, New York and London: W.W. Norton (a small selection of Espriu’s poetry with facing translation and a short but informative introduction).

c
Castellet, J.M. (1971) Iniciación a la poesía de Salvador Espriu, Madrid: Taurus (the best overview of Espriu’s poetry).

w
Walters, D.G. (1994) ‘ “Sense cap nom ni símbol”: recovery and identity in Salvador Espriu’s Cementiri de Sinera’, Modern Language Review 89, 4: 889-901 (a detailed study of Espriu’s first cycle drawing attention to its integral and dynamic character).

D.GARETH WALTERS


ETA

ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna), whose name is Basque for ‘Euskadi and Freedom’, was founded to resist the Franco regime’s repression of Basque national consciousness. Yet the restoration of democracy, and the wide-ranging Basque autonomy that followed, did not signal an end to ETA’s violent activities. Although the number of its victims declined from the peak of the early 1980s, the increasingly indiscriminate nature of ETA’s violence—and the rise in intimidation and vandalism by its supporters—meant that it remained a major problem for the Basque country and for Spain as a whole.

ETA was formed in 1959 by elements of the youth wing of the moderate PNV and a radical nationalist splinter group Ekin. As the latter’s name—the Basque for ‘action’—suggested, ETA was a response to the passivity of mainstream nationalism at the time; its aim was an independent Basque state. From 1961 the group undertook armed actions against property. In 1968, after the shooting of one of its activists by a police patrol, it committed its first assassination—typically for this early period, of a member of the Francoist security apparatus. ETA became generally known in 1970, when sixteen activists were tried by a military tribunal in Burgos. Six were condemned to death, but their sentences were commuted after international protests. In 1973 ETA assassinated Franco’s Prime Minister and likely successor, Admiral Carrero Blanco, by blowing up his car in Madrid.

In 1965 the organization had officially adopted leftist ideas alongside its nationalist principles. During the following decade it suffered various rifts involving their proponents and activists for whom nationalist ideas remained paramount. Underlying these, however, was a further question: the relation between ‘military’—that is, armed—and political activity, the legalization of which brought differences to a head. In 1976, the then leadership decided to give political activity equal priority with the ‘armed struggle’. This provoked the breakaway of a ‘military’ wing, ETA-m. The ‘politico-military’ faction, ETA-pm, after promoting the creation of Basque Left, renounced violence in 1982. Since then ETA-m, rejoined by those ETA-pm members who rejected this course, has been the only active part of the organization.

During the primacy of more leftist-oriented groups, including ETA-pm, ETA’s targets were extended to Basque businessmen allegedly exploit-

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Encyclopedia of Contemporary Spanish Culture
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page iii
  • Contents v
  • Introduction x
  • Acknowledgments xii
  • Structure xiii
  • Architecture xiv
  • A 1
  • Further Reading 7
  • Further Reading 11
  • Further Reading 29
  • Further Reading 37
  • Further Reading 41
  • B 44
  • Further Reading 47
  • Further Reading 65
  • C 70
  • Further Reading 81
  • Further Reading 93
  • Further Reading 100
  • Further Reading 113
  • Further Reading 128
  • D 135
  • Further Reading 136
  • Further Reading 140
  • E 152
  • Further Reading 155
  • Further Reading 166
  • Further Reading 171
  • F 173
  • Further Reading 185
  • Further Reading 206
  • G 213
  • Further Reading 227
  • Further Reading 229
  • Further Reading 231
  • Further Reading 242
  • H 245
  • I 261
  • Further Reading 266
  • J 276
  • Further Reading 280
  • K 283
  • L 285
  • Further Reading 292
  • M 313
  • Further Reading 332
  • Further Reading 335
  • N 359
  • Further Reading 362
  • Further Reading 365
  • O 376
  • P 384
  • Further Reading 429
  • Q 430
  • R 433
  • Further Reading 435
  • Further Reading 436
  • Further Reading 439
  • Further Reading 443
  • References 452
  • S 464
  • Further Reading 471
  • Further Reading 475
  • T 502
  • Further Reading 508
  • Further Reading 509
  • U 526
  • Further Reading 536
  • V 537
  • Further Reading 538
  • Further Reading 539
  • Further Reading 544
  • W 545
  • X 550
  • Y 552
  • Further Reading 553
  • Z 554
  • Index 557
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