Encyclopedia of Contemporary Spanish Culture

By Eamonn Rodgers; Valerie Rodgers | Go to book overview

Further reading

b
Boschetto, S.M. (1992). ‘ Double-Voiced Tales in Carmen Gómez Ojea’s La novela que Marien no terminó’, Hispania 75, 3: 500-7 (studies double narration in storytelling by characters who both act and narrate).

c
Castillo, D. (1990) ‘Frame Tale: Carmen Gómez Ojea’s Otras mujeres y Fabia’, In the Feminine Mode: Essays on Hispanic Women Writers, eds N. Valis and C. Maier, London: Associated University Presses (emphasis on role of patriarchy and condition of women).

o
Ordóñez, E. (1988). ‘Los perros de Hécate as a Paradigm of Narrative Defiance’, Anales de la Narrativa Española Contemporánea 13, 1-2: 71-81 (emphasizes the character of Tarsiana plus reader-text relationships).

JANET PÉREZ


González, Felipe

b. 1942, Seville

Politician

Prime Minister from 1982 until 1996, Felipe González is one of the most emblematic political figures of Spain’s new democracy. If Adolfo Suárez is regarded as the politician who contributed most to the Spanish transition to democracy, González is arguably the politician who has contributed most to the consolidation of democracy.

Trained as a labour lawyer in Andalusia, he was one of the so-called ‘young turks’ of the interior who in 1972 finally wrested control of the Socialist Party (PSOE) from the exiled leadership, based in Toulouse since 1947. Henceforth, González, with the support and help of his closest friend Alfonso Guerra, built the Socialist Party into a formidable electoral machine. It was a political marriage made in heaven: whilst González became a high-profile charismatic leader, Guerra worked diligently behind the scenes to establish a unified and disciplined party which would ensure the PSOE’s electoral dominance throughout the 1980s.

Following a landslide victory in 1982, Gonzá-lez’s first term in office represented a large leap forward in the process of democratic consolidation. Although in many respects the Socialists’ policies were simply building upon the groundwork laid by the previous UCD administrations under Adolfo Suárez, their overwhelming popular and parliamentary majority gave them a mandate and authority to tackle longstanding problems, which the previous minority UCD governments had lacked. Thus, the armed forces, the regional question, political violence and the economy were all policy areas tackled with remarkable success and acumen by the Socialist administration.

In 1986 González easily won a second term in office on the back of an economic boom for which his first administration had laid the foundations. Domestic policy successes were matched by recognition on the international stage as Spain became reintegrated into the international community by first joining the European Union in 1986, and subsequently NATO in that same year. Spain’s longstanding political and economic isolation was thus brought to a close.

However, despite these evident successes both domestically and internationally, 1986 marked the turning point in the PSOE’s fortunes. González was increasingly accused of governing in a high-handed manner which fostered an atmosphere of corruption and abuse of power. In particular, the Socialists’ policy volte-face on NATO and their orchestration of a referendum campaign in 1986 in which they unashamedly abused their position in power and the resources at their disposal to secure Spain’s entry into NATO, marked the starting point of the Socialists’ precipitous descent from the moral high ground in Spanish politics which they had previously occupied unchallenged.

González himself appeared to become increasingly bored by domestic politics during his second administration. He was frequently absent from parliamentary sessions despite his undisputed oratorical skills and ability to dominate debate. Perhaps foreseeing a future career on the European stage, he preferred instead to adopt the role of international statesman, a role he played with considerable aplomb. Consequently, González declared that the 1989 election would be the last he would fight at the helm of the Socialist Party. By this stage, however, the leader and the party had become so intertwined that it was difficult to

-231-

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Encyclopedia of Contemporary Spanish Culture
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page iii
  • Contents v
  • Introduction x
  • Acknowledgments xii
  • Structure xiii
  • Architecture xiv
  • A 1
  • Further Reading 7
  • Further Reading 11
  • Further Reading 29
  • Further Reading 37
  • Further Reading 41
  • B 44
  • Further Reading 47
  • Further Reading 65
  • C 70
  • Further Reading 81
  • Further Reading 93
  • Further Reading 100
  • Further Reading 113
  • Further Reading 128
  • D 135
  • Further Reading 136
  • Further Reading 140
  • E 152
  • Further Reading 155
  • Further Reading 166
  • Further Reading 171
  • F 173
  • Further Reading 185
  • Further Reading 206
  • G 213
  • Further Reading 227
  • Further Reading 229
  • Further Reading 231
  • Further Reading 242
  • H 245
  • I 261
  • Further Reading 266
  • J 276
  • Further Reading 280
  • K 283
  • L 285
  • Further Reading 292
  • M 313
  • Further Reading 332
  • Further Reading 335
  • N 359
  • Further Reading 362
  • Further Reading 365
  • O 376
  • P 384
  • Further Reading 429
  • Q 430
  • R 433
  • Further Reading 435
  • Further Reading 436
  • Further Reading 439
  • Further Reading 443
  • References 452
  • S 464
  • Further Reading 471
  • Further Reading 475
  • T 502
  • Further Reading 508
  • Further Reading 509
  • U 526
  • Further Reading 536
  • V 537
  • Further Reading 538
  • Further Reading 539
  • Further Reading 544
  • W 545
  • X 550
  • Y 552
  • Further Reading 553
  • Z 554
  • Index 557
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