|7.||Janet Chase, Jane Chase Auld, and two of Auld's daughters ( Alice, Amy, and Jane). Ibid.|
|8.||Kate Chase's trip included a visit to Philadelphia earlier in the month, where she evidently stayed with Charlotte Eastman. Chase to Kate Chase, Sept. 4, 1859 ( Chase Papers, Hist. Soc. of Pa.).|
Autograph letter, James Monroe Papers, Oberlin College Archives (micro 13:0229).
Columbus, Oct, 1 , 1859.1
My dear friend,
Our friend Prof. Peck will leave Oberlin soon if he has not already gone, to attend the Cn. A.S. Convention at Chicago.2 It is very desirable that those who are in earnest for practical success next year should now put forth all their wisdom as well as all their effort. I am convinced that such practical success is attainable if wisdom is allowed to take the helm. I have great confidence in Professor Pecks good judgment, and hope he will use it all. The point is not to go too far and at the same time to go far enough. There is danger on both sides. I tried to state the general principle some time ago when I said I am for intervention with wrong (meaning of course political intervention) wherever the Constitution of my Country permits." I noticed that Dr. Cheever, "to whom the cause of freedom is indebted for something more than the "half battles", which Longfellow praises, of Channing, took exception to this Statement in the Independent: but afterwards the Independent in its editorial columns fully endorsed the statement.3 Dr. C's exception I presume arose from inattention to the fact that I was speaking solely of political power, which of necessity under a constitutional system of Government must be limited by the Constitution. Now it is undoubtedly true that if the Christian men of the Country will take part politically against the wrong of slavery to the extent of their constitutional power, a great & substantial progress may be achieved. For example let this idea be deeply impressed on the popular mind--"for all the slavery within the Republic Outside of the limits of Slave States I am morally responsible; for all this slavery exists under, yea derives its existence from laws which Congress has made & Congress may repeal, and Congress so far as my representative & my vote are concerned is my agent--is myself"--who does not see what a powerful lever is put under nationalized slavery, powerful enough to uplift it from its strong foundation & overturn it. I say nothing about Slavery within States politically--for the vast majority even of antislavery men agree in thinking that this slavery is beyond the Constitutional jurisdiction of Congress & consequently that we, of the free States, or perhaps I should say all not within some slave State, have no constitutional power to reach