|with black soldiers and asked Chase to support his request for permission to raise more troopes. Butler to Chase, Oct. 22, 1862 ( Chase Papers, L.C.).|
|Richard Bickerton Pemell Lyons, British minister to the U.S., had been in En Gland for about four months. New York Times, Nov. 9, 1862.|
|The bracketed portion of this sentence represent text lost due to damage to the Manuscript. The editors have used a copy of the letter in the handwriting of Jacob Schuckers (Chase Papers, Hist. Soc. Of Pa.) to supply the missing text.|
|Chase's next known letter to Butler was dated December 14 (below).|
Autograph letter on letterhead stationery. Abraham Lincoln Papers, Library of Congress (micro23:0946).
Nov. 28 1862
My dear Sir,1
The noble sentiments and admirable language of your message touch my heart and increase my respect for your character and my affection for your person.2
You did not ask my opinion of the particular plan developed, and, perhaps, I ought not to give it unasked.
Still I feel myself warranted by the very respect & affection I feel for you & my deep anxiety for the future of our country, in begging you to reflect whether, inasmuch as the argument of the message will apply, for the most part, as well to the proclamation, the acts to be yet performed by you under it, and to the scheme of compensated emancipation heretofore proposed,3 it would not be wise to forbear the introduction of the amendments of the Constitution and the recommendation of any more specific action than you have already submitted to the consideration of Congress
Men often agree as to a general policy, when details, such as time or mode, cannot be so easily agreed on. All our friends agree with you, in general, as to the ends to be reached by the proclamation & compensated emancipation: but many of them will probably be averse to attempting any such amendments of the Constitution as you have embodied in your draft of Message.
In my judgment indeed there is no probability that a vote of two thirds can be commanded for any amendment of the Constitution touching slavery or that any such amendment can obtain the sanction of two thirds of the states. Is it expedient to propose the measure if there be not a strong probability of its adoption? Will not such an act weaken rather than strengthen yourself and your Administration?
Let me beg you most respectfully to consider these suggestions, if not already weighed and set aside.
Very sincerely yours
S P CHASE