The Campaign Continues: How Political Consultants and Campaign Tactics Affect Public Policy

By Douglas A. Lathrop | Go to book overview

NOTES
1.
Maureen Dowd, “Capital's Virtual Reality: Gingrich Rides a Third Wave, ” New York Times, 1 January 1995, A1.
2.
Ever since the APSA report, “Toward a More Responsible Party Government, ” was published in 1959, it has been accepted as a truism of American politics that legislators are incapable of unifying behind a national campaign agenda. Scholars such as Richard Fenno, David Mayhew, Morris Fiorina, and Gary Jacobson describe legislators as attentive to the particularized needs of their districts over calls for national party unity. The Contract with America is incongruent with this logic. See Richard Fenno, Home Style: House Members and Their Districts (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1978); David Mayhew, Congress: The Electoral Connection (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974); Morris Fiorina, Congress: Keystone of the Washington Establishment (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977); and Gary Jacobson, The Politics of Congressional Elections, 3rd ed. (New York: HarperCollins, 1992).
3.
Donna Cassata, “Swift Progress of the Contract Inspires Awe and Concern, ” CQ Weekly Report, 1 April 1995, p. 90. For background on the dynamic between Congress and the president in the twentieth century see James Thurber, Divided Democracy: Cooperation and Conflict between the President and Congress (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1991); Louis Fisher, Constitutional Conflict between Congress and the President 3rd ed. (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1992). For a classic work on the ephemeral nature of presidential power see Richard Neustadt, Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents (New York: Free Press, 1990).
4.
According to journalist Eleanor Clift, the political advisors in the Clinton White House wasted little time creating a PR machine. In early 1993, “[Stan] Greenberg proposed a policy program that would surpass even Wirthlin's: a nationwide survey each month to assess Clinton's job performance; issue surveys every other month; statewide surveys at least two a month; and six focus groups a month to allow a continuing conversation with the American people.” Eleanor Clift, War without Bloodshed (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 35.
5.
Douglas Koopman, Hostile Takeover: The House Republican Party 1980-1995 (Boston: Rowman & Littlefield, 1996).
6.
James Smith, The Idea Brokers: Think Tanks and the Rise of the New Policy Elite (New York: The Free Press, 1991), 186.
7.
Elizabeth Drew, Showdown: The Struggle between the Gingrich Congress and the Clinton White House (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996), 29.
8.
John Bader, Taking the Initiative: Leadership Agendas in Congress and “The Contract with America” (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1996), 78.
9.
Michael Weisskopf, “Playing on the Public Pique, ” Washington Post, 27 October 1994. p. A1.
10.
Despite the clever, well-financed media campaign, the vast majority of voters still did not recognize the Contract. According to a Gallup poll conducted in December 1994, fewer than 4 in 10 American voters were aware of the Contract with America. However, the same poll indicated widespread support for the Contract's initiatives, giving credence to Republican claims that the Contract was popular among the public even if they couldn't identify it. See Lydia Saad, “Contract with America Still Little Known, But Goals Have Widespread Appeal, ” The Gallup Poll Monthly, December 1994, p. 7.
11.
L. Brent Bozell, “Official Media versus, the GOP, ” National Review, 12 June 1995. 47. The Republican claims were verified in a study conducted by the non-partisan

-93-

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