1985; Lewis 1996; Clarke 1997), and some of these are drawn on in this chapter: Orientalism long predated colonialism; noncolonial powers also engaged in it, and noncolonized societies such as Japan were projected upon; it was never a one-way process and needs to be considered alongside a parallel concept of Occidentalism (see Carrier 1995; Japan is the classic example here with its pragmatic pattern of adopting and adapting from outside). For the argument in this chapter, however, perhaps the two most important criticisms of Said's thesis may be that, even during colonial periods, there were those who looked at Oriental cultures with genuine ideals of constructing universalist cultures - and religions - and not simply from negative viewpoints [what Clarke (1997) calls "Oriental Enlightenment"] and that, if the process of Orientalism is actually a function of the relative power - economic, political, and social - of those projecting and those being projected upon, as the balance of power changes, so do the images and, perhaps more important, the evaluation given those images.
For an earlier example of this process, see Campbell (1992:222) who, writing about the welfare policies - in particular the reduced role for the state - that were proposed in Japan by the second ad hoc commission set up in the late 1970s to look at administrative reform, comments that "these ideas were partly derived from, or at least legitimated by, similar campaigns waged by President Reagan, Prime Minister Thatcher, and other leaders overseas" (emphasis added).
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