States of Knowledge: The Co-Production of Science and Social Order

By Sheila Jasanoff | Go to book overview

Notes
1
The principles of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, in a kind of “ontogeny recapitulates philogeny” logic, serve as a good summary of trends in global environmental treaties (see below). On the primacy of sovereign rights and responsibilities, see Principle 2:

States have, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of international law, the sovereign right to exploit their own resources pursuant to their own environmental and developmental policies, and the responsibility to ensure that activities within their jurisdiction or control do not cause damage to the environment of other States or of areas beyond the limits of national jurisdiction.

2
E.g. in the US, the ESA, boosted by the Lacey Act, with the US Fish and Wildlife Service as the scientific and management authorities.
3
For details on the history of CITES and case-studies (including the African elephant) by important Southern African and Australian conservationists and zoologists, and CITES secretariat members, see Hutton and Dickson (2000).
4
See Ramachandra Guha (1998) for an example of an early and influential critique of one strand of Western environmentalism. Referring to Daniel Janzen's call for a worldwide network of protected areas under the jurisdiction of biologists, he says

This frankly imperialist manifesto highlights the multiple dangers of the preoccupation with wilderness preservation.…As I have suggested, it seriously compounds the neglect by the American movement of far more pressing environmental problems within the Third World. But perhaps more importantly, and in a more insidious fashion, it also provides an impetus to the imperialist yearning of Western biologists and their financial sponsors, organisations such as the WWF and the IUCN. The wholesale transfer of a movement culturally rooted in American conservation history can only result in the social uprooting of human populations in other parts of the globe.

(Guha 1998:272)

5
The CITES sourcebook uses this formulation, and it is a commonly expressed view about CITES. This should not be taken as saying that the species CITES was initially envisaged as protecting were free from political contestation; it seems clear that they were not. What people mean by the claim that CITES became politicized in this change is that political disputes became internal to the convention, instead of being thought of as external to the convention.
6
For a gripping account from one of the major participants in the ivory wars, see Western 1997a: 220-254. The quote is from p. 231. See e.g. Joyce Poole (1996) for an account of the ivory wars from an East African elephant researcher, rather than a conservationist. The connections between the Western animal rights perspective and the elephant researcher perspective are clear in this memoir of one of the actors.
7
Tourist satisfaction is probably highly malleable. In conversations with park rangers and wardens in Kenyan wildlife parks (1994-1997), I was told that a very small amount of tourist education can rapidly alter tourist perceptions. For example, Western tourists seeing nomadic pastoralists inside a wildlife park tend to respond that seeing people in the park decreases their sense of being in nature and spoils their experience of the animals. If as little as five minutes is dedicated to explaining that the people and animals need each other to reproduce a flourishing landscape, however, then the approval rating after seeing pastoralists in parks goes up dramatically. Similarly, if a park is described as “deforested”, tourists feel that they are seeing

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