1. See Lerner 1992.
2. Horne 1987b.
3. Leid and Buesing 1987.
4. See Pollack 1987; Horne 1987a; Wadsworth and Burnham 1987a, 1987b. Also available in pamphlet form as Race, Class, and Howard Beach, from Front line, P.O. Box 2729, Oakland, CA 94602.
5. See Horne 1987b; Burnham et al. 1987.
6. From Carmichael and Hamilton 1967, 44–45.
7. I am of course fully aware that some intellectuals from the white Left attempted to understand the concept and elaborate on the implications raised by Black Power activists and idealogues. Most notable here is Blauner 1972.
8. See Cruse 1968, 201.
9. I do not think it is accidental that Rustin's claims, or Cruse's recapitulation of Rustin's claims, have been so often referred to in the literature on the Black Power movement. Perhaps there is an appearance of greater legitimacy when criticisms of “nationalist” deviations come from other Blacks. I do not doubt that the practice of using some Black intellectuals to criticize nationalist politics stems from both cynical and “politically correct” motivations. In either case this is a needlessly divisive practice, and confirms for nationalist-oriented Black intellectuals the arrogance and unprincipled (racist) nature of the white Left.
10. This concept can be found in the work of Omali Yeshitela, chairperson of the African People's Socialist Party.
11. The concept of antirevisionist Marxist came to be used in the 1960s and 1970s to distinguish between revolutionary Marxist heritage of Marx, Lenin, and Mao (some also included Stalin) and the reformist Marxist of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its allied parties since Khrushchev's 1956 revelations about Stalin's crimes and the CPSU's subsequent articulation of a peaceful road to socialism.
12. Indeed, this is Adolph Reed's judgement; see Reed, ed., 1986. The Third, or Communist, International was an attempt to organize a disciplined world revolutionary force in the wake of the refusal of the member parties of the socialist