1. See Jim Wallis, God's Politics: Why The Right Gets It Wrong and the Left Doesn't Get It (2006).
2. See, among others, the recent New York Times article by Louis Uchitelle, [Age of Riches: The Richest of the Rich, Proud of a New Gilded Age,] (July 15, 2007).
3. In the New York Times article cited above, note the self-congratulatory tone of, for example, Sanford Weill, late chairman of Citigroup, who has his office lined with portraits of himself from the various instruments of the media.
4. See Max Weber, [Science as a Vocation,] a lecture first given in 1918 in Munich and republished in many places, including The Vocation Lectures (2004).
5. See Scott Cook, Understanding Commodity Cultures: Explorations in Economic Anthropology with Case Studies from Mexico (2004).
6. See Charles Golden, [Where Does Memory Reside, and Why Isn't It History?] (2005).
7. See Charles Valentine, Culture and Poverty (1968).
8. I had not yet realized at that time that the state is actually an ambiguous reality—though never neutral—existing as a set of institutions and, as well, existing in the minds of its polity.
9. A tequio is a community-based work group with roots in traditional village society.
10. By [global capitalism] I do not refer to a homogenous marketplace, but to the hold of a small number of dominant nations over the whole of national financial markets, which then, as a consequence, comes to redefine the international division of labor (Bourdieu 1998: 38).
1. Susto is a traditional folk illness commonly defined as fright. See Arthur Rubel et al., Susto: A Folk Illness (1991).
2. Personal communication from Prof. V. M. Rodriguez.
3. See selections from the prison notebooks of Antonio Gramsci (1991).
4. See in particular John Chance 1977, 1978 and John Paddock 1966.
5. The experience of family members in the military and in the new bureaucracies and tourist industries is communicated back to those who still labor in the countryside.
6. Oaxaca is characterized by Mexican census material as being very poor in comparison to other, more northerly states in Mexico. Oaxaqueños also think of themselves and their state as being poor. In the late 1960s and 1970s, colonia residents felt that the general reason for this poverty was the lack of industrialization, which would employ much of the population, as well as the lack of effective transportation. At that time, the highway system that linked Oaxaca with Mexico City