Varieties of Feminism: German Gender Politics in Global Perspective

By Myra Marx Ferree | Go to book overview

NOTES

CHAPTER 1

1. The equal rights clause was part of the original 1949 constitution, but unfortunately the courts always interpreted it as allowing “functional differentiation” by family role, making it toothless, an issue explored in later chapters.

2. The 109th Congress (2005–7) had seventy-one women in the House and fourteen in the Senate; the 111th Congress (2005–7) had seventy-eight women in the House and eighteen in the Senate (17.7 and 18 percent, respectively). In contrast, 32.8 percent of the representatives in the 17th Bundestag (2009–) were women, 31.2–31.8 percent in the 16th Bundestag (2005–9), and 32.5 percent in the 15th Bundestag (2002–5) (US data from http:// womenincongress.house.gov [accessed on June 28, 2011]; German data from http://www .deutschland-auf-einen-blick.de/politik/bundestag/statistik.php [accessed on June 28, 2011], and http://www.bundeswahlleiter.de [accessed on June 28, 2011]).

3. S. Roth 2008.

4. Hall and Soskice 2001.

5. This also suggests that thinking of politics on a single continuum from socialism and social democracy on the Left to liberalism or neoliberalism on the Right is a dangerous oversimplification of a world in which religion, authoritarianism, and patriarchy are still actively entangled politically and often in opposition to both. Triangular trade-offs, rather than dichotomous positions, complicate feminist strategic choices.

6. German scholars doing important work on theorizing gender intersectionally include Klinger and Knapp (2008). See also Walby 2009.

7. Glenn (1999, 9) and her process-tracing application of intersectionality in Glenn (2002).

8. Molyneux 1985. Also see my critique in Ferree and Tripp 2006.

9. Connell 2002, 1987.

10. Salzinger 2003.

-237-

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