Oil Wealth and Insurgency in Nigeria

By Omolade Adunbi | Go to book overview

NOTES

INTRODUCTION

1. In 1977, the Nigerian state nationalized the assets of some British companies, including British Petroleum, as a sign of solidarity with the South African freedom fighters struggling against apartheid, claiming such companies were supporting the apartheid regime.

2. ChevronTexaco News 4 (1) (January–February 2005).

3. Ibid. The same image appears in nearly all of the corporation’s publications, such as on the back cover of its annual Corporate Responsibility Report.

4. “Youth,” in Nigeria, generally means people between the ages of eighteen and forty-five.

5. For more on this, see, for example, Akintunde Akinleye, “As Oil ‘Bunkering’ Rises in Nigeria, Thieves Say They Have No Choice,” The Globe and Mail, January 16, 2013, www.theglobeandmail.com/report-on-business/international-business/african-and -mideast-business/as-oil-bunkering-rises-in-nigeria-thieves-say-they-have-no-choice /article7435665.

6. See Williams Walls, “Nigeria Losing $1bn a Month to Oil Theft,” Financial Times of London, June 26, 2012, www.ft.com/cms/s/0/61fb070e-bf90-11e1-a476-00144feabdc0 .html#axzz2TDknvDC3.

7. For example, Bayart (1993) argues that the state in Africa “functions as a rhizome of personal networks and assures the centralization of power through the agencies of family, alliance and friendship, in the manner of ancient kingdoms, which possessed the principal attributes of a state within a lineage matrix, thereby reconciling two types of political organization wrongly thought to be incompatible” (261–62).

8. Examples include the work of James Ferguson (2006), who suggests we need to look closely at why resource-rich and conflict-ridden African states attract more foreign direct investment than stable states; Kamari Clarke (2009), who traces the connection between the scramble for natural resources and conflict in Africa; and William Reno (1998), who argues there is a link between resource abundance and warlordism in the politics of many African states.

9. As Foucault explains, “The contact point, where the [way] individuals are driven by others is tied to the way they conduct themselves, is what we can call, I think, government. Governing people, in the broad meaning of the word, governing people is not a way to force people to do what the governor wants; it is always a versatile equilibrium, with complementarity and conflicts between techniques which assure coercion and processes through which the self is constructed or modified by himself.” (1993, 203–204).

-247-

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