A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba

By Alejandro de la Fuente | Go to book overview

NOTES

ABBREVIATIONS
AHPCArchivo Histórico Provincial, Cienfuegos
ANCArchivo Nacional de Cuba, Havana
BBCBraga Brothers Collection, Latin American Library, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida
LCManuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
USNAUnited States National Archives, Washington, D.C.

INTRODUCTION

1. Sally Dinkel, “Exile’s End,” Town & Country (July 1993): 114.

2. Throughout this book, the terms “black” and “Afro-Cuban” are used interchangeably to denote people deemed to be nonwhite in Cuba. The label “Afro-Cuban” is frequently rejected by Cuban scholars on the ground that it does not reflect accurately the process of racial and cultural integration of the Cuban “people.” In conversations with scholars in the island, some agree that the term could be used in the area of “culture” but remain opposed to a general use of the label. These objections are basically the same voiced in 1939 by intellectual Alberto Arredondo (El negro en Cuba, 107–15), who argued that the term was a tautology because “Cuban” was already “Afro.” Despite these valid objections, I have chosen to use the label to emphasize the singular historical experience of those Cubans who are defined in terms of their African ancestry in a society that has never been color-blind. As long as the dream of a raceless nation remains a project, the term “Afro-Cuban” serves to emphasize the centrality of blackness in the formation of cubanidad.

3. Carneado, “La discriminación racial,” 67. On this position, see Serviat, El problema negro; Cannon and Cole, Free and Equal; MINREX, Cuba, Country Free of Segregation; Juan Sánchez, “Un mal del pasado. Aspectos de la discriminación racial,” Bohemia 65, no. 21 (May 1973): 100–106; Green, Cuba; and Ring, How Cuba Uprooted Race Discrimination. Please note that throughout all translations are mine unless otherwise noted.

4. Omar López Montenegro, “Castro Is a Calculating Racist—Here’s Why,” Miami Herald, July 30, 1993; Montaner, Informe secreto, 101. For additional examples of this critical position, see Moore, “Le peuple noir” and Castro, the Blacks, and Africa; Clytus, Black Man in Red Cuba; and Cleaver, Soul on Ice, 107–9.

5. Casal, “Race Relations in Contemporary Cuba” and Revolution and Race; Booth, “Cuba, Color and the Revolution”; Thomas, Cuba; Domínguez, Cuba: Order and Revolution and “Racial and Ethnic Relations”; Masferrer and Mesa-Lago, “The Gradual Integration of the Black in Cuba”; McGarrity, “Race, Culture, and Social Change in Contemporary Cuba”; and Fernandez, “The Color of Love.”

6. Casal, “Race Relations in Contemporary Cuba,” 11.

7. The idea, however, has some currency in (white) political discourse and popular imagery, at least among exiles. For examples, see José Miguel Gómez Barbera,

-341-

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A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page iii
  • Contents vii
  • Figures and Tables viii
  • Acknowledgments ix
  • Abbreviations xiii
  • Introduction 1
  • Part I- The First Republic 1902-1933 21
  • 1 - Racial Order or Racial Democracy? Race and the Contending Notions of Cubanidad 23
  • 2 - Electoral Politics 54
  • Part II- Inequality 1900-1950s 97
  • 3 - The Labor Market 99
  • 4 - Education and Mobility 138
  • Part III- The Second Republic 1933-1958 173
  • 5 - A New Cuba? 175
  • 6 - State and Racial Equality 210
  • Part IV- Socialism 1959-1990s 257
  • 7 - Building a Nation for All 259
  • 8 - The Special Period 317
  • Epilogue 335
  • Notes 341
  • Bibliography 415
  • Index 437
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