Designing Peace: Cyprus and Institutional Innovations in Divided Societies

By Neophytos Loizides | Go to book overview

Notes

Introduction: Institutional Innovations in Peace Processes

1. See also the relevant CMP publication leaflet promoting the work of the committee and citing the UN Secretary-General’s statement as to its significance for the two communities, http://www.cy.undp.org/content/dam/cyprus/docs/PFF%20Publications/UNDP-CYCMPleaflet.pdf.

2. Horowitz (1993) prescribes integrative (or “centripetalist”) federations where territorial boundaries transcend ethnic/linguistic lines and political systems incentivize vote pooling across centrist political forces at the expense of minority parties. In contrast, Lijphart (1979, 1996) prescribes consociational federations where federal units respect existing ethnic/linguistic lines and minority parties are represented in central governments (see also McGarry and O’Leary 2009b). For a detailed discussion of centripetalism and consociationalism as well as specific electoral devices prescribed by each, see Chapter 3 and also discussion of alternative models in Sisk (1996: 35–37).

3. For recent exceptions see Yakinthou (2009) and McGarry (2011).

4. For the full text of the Anastasiades and Eroğlu joint statement see http://www.youtube .com/watch?v=2aVUQccNhvU (accessed March 8, 2014).


Chapter 1. A Federal Cyprus? Consociational Failures and Prospects

1. Ukraine is also the latest example having adopted a semipresidential system. Ukraine’s failure is partly due to absence of a conflict resolution mechanism between the parliament and the presidency. Many thanks to Edward Morgan-Jones for bringing this to my attention.

2. See detailed database on negotiations and crisis involving Greece and Turkey; see the Centre for the Study of Ethnic Conflict, Teaching and Research Datasets, and also others commenting on the potentially explosive nature of Greek-Turkish relations, for instance, Barkey and Gordon (2001).

3. As mentioned in the Introduction, Northern Ireland is an exception to this norm (as is post-OFA Republic of Macedonia), which supports their treatment as “critical cases” overcoming both structural and ideational barriers to power-sharing through proper institutional choice (see also Tannam 2001)

4. Christodoulou was sentenced to prison in 2014 for tax fraud (in what was in fact bribery from a Greek tycoon) as part of the investigations for the financial crisis.

5. GDP per capita has improved dramatically over the AKP period, from $3,492 in 2002 to

-215-

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