The Power Broker; in an Exclusive Interview, Justice Kennedy Discusses Life, Center Stage
Taylor, Stuart, Jr., Thomas, Evan, Connolly, Katie, Newsweek
Byline: Stuart Taylor jr. and Evan Thomas (With Katie Connolly)
In 19 cases during the past year, the Supreme Court split down the middle along ideological lines. The court's four conservatives--Chief Justice John Roberts Jr. and Justices Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito--lined up on one side, and the four liberals--Justices Stephen Breyer, John Paul Stevens, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and David Souter--lined up on the other. Each time, the tie was broken by a fifth vote belonging to Justice Anthony Kennedy. On 13 occasions, Kennedy aligned himself with the conservatives. While the court is clearly moving to the right, it's obvious that Kennedy holds the balance of power.
Kennedy is known for examining his conscience as well as the law books when he decides a difficult case. And justices caught in the middle of fierce ideological disputes sometimes agonize or brood over their opinions. But sitting with a NEWSWEEK reporter in his chambers overlooking the U.S. Capitol on the day after the court's final decision of the 2006-07 term, Kennedy seemed cheerful, even enthusiastic, about his role. True, "the cases this year were more difficult than I thought they would be," he said. In closely divided cases when time is short, he added, the court's "tone becomes somewhat more acrimonious." But he laughed and held up his hands and said, "Hey, I'm a lawyer. I'm trained to argue. I love it."
He does not love being called a "swing vote." He told NEWSWEEK that he and earlier denizens of the court's center--Justice Sandra Day O'Connor and the late Justice Lewis Powell--"never liked the term 'swing vote' because it indicates that you elect to swing for the purpose of accommodating one side or the other." Indeed, in the court's most important case of the year, Kennedy refused to accommodate either side. He voted with the four conservatives to strike down racial-integration plans championed by school districts in Seattle and Louisville, Ky. But he refused to go along with the conservatives in joining an opinion by Chief Justice Roberts that exuded hostility to all race-based solutions to racial inequalities. Kennedy suggested that school boards might be able to assign students based on their race as a last resort, though only if they could show that other methods proved ineffective. At the same time, Kennedy reproached the liberals on the high court for supporting racial engineering that "may entrench the very prejudices we seek to overcome."
More than a half century after the Supreme Court required school desegregation in Brown v. Board of Education, Americans remain divided over race and by race. In the latest NEWSWEEK Poll, 35 percent of whites and 23 percent of nonwhites approved of the court's decision to limit the use of race for school-integration plans, while 29 percent of whites and 54 percent of nonwhites disapproved. The court's decision provoked an emotional dissent from Justice Breyer, who thundered that the ruling would "threaten the promise of Brown " by hindering progress toward "true racial equality." Some commentators attacked Kennedy's middle-way opinion for leaving school officials with no idea what they can legally do.
In his interview with NEWSWEEK, Kennedy did not seem much disturbed by the hubbub. He recalled how, as a Stanford undergraduate in the mid-1950s, he was given the privilege of helping escort around campus the nation's greatest civil-rights lawyer, Thurgood Marshall, who later became a Supreme Court justice. …