Iran Comes in from the Cold: Israel Calls Hassan Rowhania "Wolf in Sheep's Clothing"-But Is the New President of the Islamic Republic the West's Best Hope of Detente?

By Patrikarakos, David | New Statesman (1996), October 11, 2013 | Go to article overview

Iran Comes in from the Cold: Israel Calls Hassan Rowhania "Wolf in Sheep's Clothing"-But Is the New President of the Islamic Republic the West's Best Hope of Detente?


Patrikarakos, David, New Statesman (1996)


On a hot summer evening in July 2005, I sat in the living room of the foreigners' dormitory at Tehran University and watched as Hassan Rowhani gave a speech broadcast on Iranian television. He was coming to the end of his term as Iran's chief nuclear negotiator and was publicly defending--yet again--his decision, taken in late 2003, to suspend Iran's uranium-enrichment activities. Forcefully rejecting hardliner accusations of backtracking or sazesh (a very loaded term in Persian), he reiterated his commitment to the country's nuclear programme. He explained that the suspension was only temporary but that compromise was necessary to further negotiations with the west. Iran could not live in isolation for ever, he said. Everyone in the room clapped. Even then, the youth loved him.

On 24 September, Rowhani gave his first speech as Iran's president to the United Nations General Assembly. What he said was driven by the same desire for engagement that I witnessed him articulate eight years earlier. Central to its diplomatic effectiveness was his awareness of the need to reassure his audience. Gone was the defiance of his predecessor Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (who had used his UN speeches to lambaste Israel, deny the Holocaust and make disgraceful remarks about the 9/11 attacks). Rowhani stated that Iran posed "absolutely no threat" to anyone and reiterated that its nuclear programme was peaceful.

In this, he was doing no more than repeating Iran's official position--a line that even Ahmadinejad unfailingly followed--but his statements acknowledging the need to interact with the world and that solving the nuclear crisis was integral to Iran's national interest were more considered and welcome.

The same can be said of his later remarks in an interview with CNN, in which, seeking to undo some of the damage done by Ahmadinejad, he described the Holocaust as a "reprehensible" crime against the Jewish people. It was no more than he should have said but it was yet another indication that Iranian diplomacy will now be more measured or, at any rate, less gratuitously offensive.

A cynic might say that his performance at the UN was all talk--but this is a crisis largely (though by no means exclusively) fought out in words and he chose what he said carefully. In so doing, he created the conditions for two diplomatic breakthroughs that would have been impossible six months ago. First was the meeting between Iran's foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, and the US secretary of state, John Kerry--the first such formal talks between the two countries since the Islamic Revolution in 1979.

Then came the phone call between Rowhani and Barack Obama, the first contact between a US president and an Iranian leader since Jimmy Carter spoke by phone with Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in 1979. In the first month or so of his presidency, Rowhani has overseen more diplomatic progress between the US and Iran than had occurred in the previous 34 years.

Yet Iran and the US are only two of the main actors in the nuclear crisis. The third--and potentially the most volatile--is Israel, which believes Iran is seeking a bomb. Rowhani has unsettled the Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, whose description of him at the UN as a "wolf in sheep's clothing" carried in it the shrill note of fear. And well it might: the last thing Netanyahu and the Israeli right need is a moderate Iranian president set on detente. If the prime minister could have voted in Iran's election, he would surely have chosen four more years of Ahmadinejad--the corporeal embodiment of the "rogue Iran" narrative.

In his speech to the UN General Assembly on 1 October, Netanyahu promised to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons and said that Israel would act unilaterally if necessary. Dangling the prospect of military action against Iran over the "P5+1" (the group of five UN Security Council powers and Germany that is negotiating with Iran over its nuclear programme) to get it to maintain pressure on Tehran is official Israeli policy. …

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