Marshall Faced 'Em Down Clarence Thomas Won't Be the First Black Nominee to the Supreme Court to Undergo Tough Questioning in Confirmation Hearings
Stanley I. Kutler. Stanley I. Kutler is professor of history and law ., The Christian Science Monitor
STROM THURMOND of South Carolina, the ranking Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee, might reflect with irony on his role as one of Clarence Thomas's chief defenders. Thurmond will stand up for the black Supreme Court nominee in the confirmation hearings that begin tomorrow.
Nearly a quarter century ago, Thurmond and other Southern senators bitterly opposed Thurgood Marshall, the first black nominated to the Supreme Court. Their questions regarding Marshall's judicial philosophy barely concealed their determination to discredit him.
Nonetheless, Marshall testified for less than seven hours in July 1967. Most senators on the committee made brief appearances; more than half never questioned the nominee.
The media circus that now accompanies Supreme Court confirmation hearings was notably absent. Marshall's nomination also lacked the blatant lobbying that has become ritualized with nominees since 1968, with an array of interest groups anxious to appear in person and on the record. The Liberty Lobby was the only organization to send a spokesman, who denounced Marshall's alleged ties to communists.
The Judiciary Committee traditionally had treated nominees with deference. Since Felix Frankfurter's nomination in 1938, the committee largely avoided substantive questions, and implicitly accepted Frankfurter's contention that nominees must avoid commenting on specific issues lest they appear to have prejudged any matter.
The growing dissent toward the Warren Court sharpened demands for closer scrutiny of Supreme Court nominees. Southern congressmen, anxious to maintain white racial supremacy, joined with law-enforcement officials who deplored the "Miranda" ruling and others that allegedly offered unfair advantages to criminal defendants.
When Lyndon Johnson nominated Marshall in 1967, assaults on the Warren Court had become commonplace. And now, the president had chosen a black man, one who had successfully argued for the overthrow of official segregation. Southern senators had been passive toward most previous nominees, but, as John McClellan (D) of Arkansas warned, "The time has come when I can no longer be silent and not inquire into the philosophy of those who are nominated."
MARSHALL carefully refrained from any extended debate with the senators. When asked about a particular issue, he merely replied that it might be a subject for future litigation and he could not prejudge the matter. Such vagueness - evasiveness, his opponents surely would have said - only exasperated his interrogators.
More than 90 percent of the questions came from the Southerners - McClellan, chairman James Eastland (D) of Mississippi, Sam Ervin (D) of North Carolina, and Thurmond. Eastland desperately tried to pin Marshall down as a radical. When he asked if Marshall would decide cases according to his sense of right and wrong, the nominee bluntly answered that "my own sense of right and wrong is the Constitution itself. …