`Politics as Usual' in Japan Must Not Derail Reform
Tom Kono. Tom Kono is a research associate Ralph Bunche Institute on the Un, the Graduate Center of the City University of New York., The Christian Science Monitor
AGAIN, low politics. Another high-minded reformist leader knelt down before jealously guarded corrupt politicians. Japanese Prime Minister Morihiro Hosokawa decided to step down after a month of boycott of Diet sessions by politicians in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) who had protested his receipt in 1982 of $950,000 from a mob-related trucking company. Very prematurely, his eight-month crusade against political corruption came to an end.
Mr. Hosokawa was the hope for a new Japan. After years of LDP political corruption and internal strife, the Japanese held high expectations for the dynamic young prime minister. But the new-breed Hosokawa was punished by die-hard old politics for having been part of it before. Shelving their own or their colleagues' colossal financial improprieties, LDP politicians brought down the genuine reformer by the same old tactics.
In a land where average junior politicians each spend at least $2 million a year to maintain their constituencies, Hosokawa's money scandal seems relatively minor. But he has been fighting against the essence of Japanese political culture: money politics. It became a legitimate tradition during the LDP's 38-year rule.
Some implication in dubious sources of campaign financing is the norm there. Almost everybody has a little skeleton in the closet. Hosokawa himself was an LDP politician until recently. But his impropriety in his personal finance pales compared with others, including his predecessors and his own kingmaker, Ichiro Ozawa.
Here lies Japan's paradox: to reach the apex of power, politicians cannot avoid money politics. If one is naive and stays clean, the chance to rise is slim. Integrity and qualifications do not count much. A clean politician tends to be a figurehead who is remote-controlled by money-immersed shadow shoguns.
Despite political instability, neither chaos nor an economic downturn will ensue. Yet this is not necessarily good news. His abrupt resignation confirmed the vulnerability and weakness of Japanese premiership. If every Japanese prime minister leaves office after only a year or two or less, nobody in that office can achieve anything significant. Japan's political ineptitude is likely to persist, while the administrative state run by self-perpetuating bureaucrats will continue to defy major change.
In the eyes of old-guard Japanese politicians, Hosokawa could have been a modern Japanese Don Quixote. He is a patrician warlord who cannot put up with low politics. He has already left a legacy. He broke up the so-called "Iron Triangle," a collusive triumvirate among LDP political leaders, business leaders, and senior bureaucrats. He partially opened the rice market. He acknowledged Japan's wartime aggression and offered an apology to its neighbors. His cabinet approved an economic reform plan. Most important, he passed the political reform bill. Although the opposition diluted it, its impact will last.
Since Hosokawa has been the symbol of political reform and economic deregulation, his departure is a setback for Japan and the world. …