The Colour Revolutions in the Rearview Mirror: Closer Than They Appear

By Landry, Tristan | Canadian Slavonic Papers, March 1, 2011 | Go to article overview

The Colour Revolutions in the Rearview Mirror: Closer Than They Appear


Landry, Tristan, Canadian Slavonic Papers


The current global economic crisis could lead to political changes in Russia. At least such a contention seems logical given the nature of the "power vertical" that has been in place since Vladimir Putin arrived at the Kremlin in 2000. However, this system was based primarily on a fuel economy of favours and was made possible by the high price of oil on the international market. When these prices collapsed in 2008, Russia entered a very difficult economic period, and some analysts predicted that it would persist for a very long time. The theory to this point is that if the Russian people had previously consented to give up certain civil rights in exchange for economic prosperity, now that the economy is struggling, it would be appropriate for the population to demand the return of its rights. To foreign observers, the economic crisis made Russia vulnerable to a "colour revolution." This prospect was frightening for the government of Dmitry Medvedev, as shown by the reaction to an article published in Vedomosti in late 2008. In the article the author develops a hypothetical scenario, in which a small industrial town, whose factories were forced to close because of the crisis, sees a demonstration by unemployed workers. The events snowball and cause a series of regional revolutions, depriving the Kremlin of the seat of power and causing a change in leadership at the federal level.1 The Kremlin responded to this by publishing a notice warning the journal of legal repercussions. Medvedev subsequently met with senior representatives of his security agencies to encourage them to pursue anyone who would use the pretext of economic crisis to try to destabilize the government.2 The Kremlin clearly fears "orange- style" revolutions. But what we learn from the colour revolutions is that as repressive as a regime may be, the real power ultimately belongs to the masses, especially when its forces are supported and channelled into non- violent action in pursuit of clear and concrete objectives. In this regard, it is certainly important to look back on the not-too-distant history of these revolutions.

THE BULLDOZER REVOLUTION

Whether in Serbia or Russia, being a professional revolutionary in the nineteenth century meant being exclusively devoted to the overthrow of the government in power, employing limitless violence, but ultimately proportional to that exercised by the existing power.3 Bomb attacks against dignitaries were among the notable exploits of these revolutionaries, but their actions were not limited to these. Convoys and banks were also frequent targets. All revenue was converted into weapons and explosives; the revolutionaries lived only for their cause. Most of these revolutionaries suffered a tragic end, on the scaffold, in exile, or in prison. Being a professional revolutionary in the twenty -first century has a completely different meaning. First, there is no need to resort to violence. The methods used by the perpetrators of the colour revolutions were inspired by Gandhi and the writings of apostles of non-violence, such as Gene Sharp.4 These revolutionaries did not need to attack armoured convoys to ensure their survival. The capital necessary for their cause was procured through direct contributions by foreign governments. Though they also sought to overthrow the government, they did not fight for ideals that were apocalyptic, those of communist ideologues or advocates of a Greater Serbia. Their goals were more pragmatic, diplomatic and simply aimed to topple tyrants and to establish democracy. At the time of the revolution that overthrew Slobodan Milosevic there was no school where one could learn methods of non- violent struggle. Everything they knew, the young instigators of this revolution learned through trial and error. Obviously, this generation had its role models. A year before the Serbian revolution, groups of young people who were called the Teamsters and Turtles had invaded the streets of Seattle in the United States to protest against the summit of the World Trade Organization. …

The rest of this article is only available to active members of Questia

Already a member? Log in now.

Notes for this article

Add a new note
If you are trying to select text to create highlights or citations, remember that you must now click or tap on the first word, and then click or tap on the last word.
One moment ...
Default project is now your active project.
Project items

Items saved from this article

This article has been saved
Highlights (0)
Some of your highlights are legacy items.

Highlights saved before July 30, 2012 will not be displayed on their respective source pages.

You can easily re-create the highlights by opening the book page or article, selecting the text, and clicking “Highlight.”

Citations (0)
Some of your citations are legacy items.

Any citation created before July 30, 2012 will labeled as a “Cited page.” New citations will be saved as cited passages, pages or articles.

We also added the ability to view new citations from your projects or the book or article where you created them.

Notes (0)
Bookmarks (0)

You have no saved items from this article

Project items include:
  • Saved book/article
  • Highlights
  • Quotes/citations
  • Notes
  • Bookmarks
Notes
Cite this article

Cited article

Style
Citations are available only to our active members.
Buy instant access to cite pages or passages in MLA, APA and Chicago citation styles.

(Einhorn, 1992, p. 25)

(Einhorn 25)

1. Lois J. Einhorn, Abraham Lincoln, the Orator: Penetrating the Lincoln Legend (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992), 25, http://www.questia.com/read/27419298.

Cited article

The Colour Revolutions in the Rearview Mirror: Closer Than They Appear
Settings

Settings

Typeface
Text size Smaller Larger Reset View mode
Search within

Search within this article

Look up

Look up a word

  • Dictionary
  • Thesaurus
Please submit a word or phrase above.
Print this page

Print this page

Why can't I print more than one page at a time?

Help
Full screen

matching results for page

    Questia reader help

    How to highlight and cite specific passages

    1. Click or tap the first word you want to select.
    2. Click or tap the last word you want to select, and you’ll see everything in between get selected.
    3. You’ll then get a menu of options like creating a highlight or a citation from that passage of text.

    OK, got it!

    Cited passage

    Style
    Citations are available only to our active members.
    Buy instant access to cite pages or passages in MLA, APA and Chicago citation styles.

    "Portraying himself as an honest, ordinary person helped Lincoln identify with his audiences." (Einhorn, 1992, p. 25).

    "Portraying himself as an honest, ordinary person helped Lincoln identify with his audiences." (Einhorn 25)

    "Portraying himself as an honest, ordinary person helped Lincoln identify with his audiences."1

    1. Lois J. Einhorn, Abraham Lincoln, the Orator: Penetrating the Lincoln Legend (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992), 25, http://www.questia.com/read/27419298.

    Cited passage

    Thanks for trying Questia!

    Please continue trying out our research tools, but please note, full functionality is available only to our active members.

    Your work will be lost once you leave this Web page.

    Buy instant access to save your work.

    Already a member? Log in now.

    Author Advanced search

    Oops!

    An unknown error has occurred. Please click the button below to reload the page. If the problem persists, please try again in a little while.