views were in the end based upon merely political conceptions of class and revolution. This radical-social ideology entered nineteenth-century politics through utopian socialism and Bunoarroti's resurrection of babouvisme, finding its way into both the Parisian and English workers' movements, and into Proudhon's philosophy. Not until Marx and Engels, however, were the limitations and contradictions of such merely radical social movements -- as extreme forms of petty bourgeois, socially-concerned radical-liberalism -- systematically revealed, through an analysis of the specific class character of bourgeois economic liberalism and property relations.
It was Marx who brought together the conclusion he arrived at through critical study of liberal philosophy, politics, and historythat bourgeois class revolution was not the key to human emancipation and social justice, only a victory for particular class interests -- with the lesson that Engels formulated through his early study of political economy and exposure to the English working class -- that capitalism created working-class misery, and that its development would lead to revolutionary struggle between the working class and the propertied capitalists and landlords. 20 From this intersection of the critique of liberal political ideology and the critique of political economy, Marx grasped the central historical materialist concept of the dynamic of class history, as early as 1844. He then continued to develop his historical materialist analysis of specifically capitalist class society, and the politics of working-class struggle, through the critique of political economy (though without entirely eliminating the contradictory liberal historical ideas that he incorporated alongside his own). Marx gave a wholly original social and political interpretation to class in society; but he did so specifically through his response to the social and political ideology of liberalism which dominated the European thought of his youth.