Impressed with a conviction that this constitution is calculated to restrain the influence and power of the LOWER CLASS--to draw that discrimination we have so long sought after; to secure to our friends privileges and offices, which were not to be . . . [obtained] under the former government, because they were in common; to take the burden of legislation and attendance on public business off the commonalty, who will be much better able thereby to prosecute with effect their private business; to destroy that political thirteen headed monster, the state sovereignties; to check the licentiousness of the people by making it dangerous to speak or publish daring or tumultuary sentiments; to enforce obedience to laws by a strong executive, aided by military pensioners; and finally to promote the public and private interests of the better kind of people--we submit it to your judgment to take such measures for its adoption as you in your wisdom may think fit.
Signed by unanimous order of the lords spiritual and temporal.
ON THE PRESERVATION OF PARTIES, PUBLIC LIBERTY DEPENDS
College students of the past few generations are apt to read and to know Federalist No. 10, and yet be unfamiliar with most of the other Federalist essays. It is the fashion; it is particularly applicable to modern problems; and it is a minor masterpiece. Why did it not excite the attention and admiration of most contemporaries? Because, basically, Madison's statement was accepted as common knowledge. In fact, Antifederalists would be the first to agree that factions existed, that economic factions were most divisive, and that the purpose of democratic government was to balance factions and yet maintain liberty. But they disagreed that the Constitution provided any solution; rather, Antifederalists believed that it might well aggravate the problem of factions.
The following Antifederalist essay, to be sure, is poorly written and in part confused--but the main theme is similar to Federalist No. 10. Written by "A FARMER," (see Antifederalist No. 3), the essay appeared in the Maryland Gazette and Baltimore Advertiser, March 18, 1788.
The opposite qualities of the first confederation were rather caused by than the cause of two parties, which from its first existence began and have continued their operations, I believe, unknown to their country and almost unknown to themselves--as really but few men have the capacity or resolution to develop the secret causes which influence their daily conduct. The old Congress was a national government and an union of States, both brought into one political body, as these opposite powers--I do not mean parties-- were so exactly blended and very nearly balanced, like every artificial, operative machine where action is equal to reaction. It stood perfectly still. It would not move at all. Those who were merely confederal in their views,