tion, so as to have one representative for each district in which the electors may conveniently meet in one place, and at one time, and choose by a majority. Perhaps this might be effected pretty generally, by fixing one representative for each twelve thousand inhabitants; dividing, or fixing the principles for dividing the states into proper districts; and directing the electors of each district to the choice, by a majority, of some men having a permanent interest and residence in it. I speak of a representation tolerably equal, etc., because I am still of opinion, that it is impracticable in this extensive country to have a federal representation sufficiently democratic, or substantially drawn from the body of the people. The principles just mentioned may be the best practical ones we can expect to establish. By thus increasing the representation we not only make it more democratical and secure, strengthen the confidence of the people in it, and thereby render it more nervous and energetic; but it will also enable the people essentially to change, for the better, the principles and forms of elections. To provide for the people's wandering throughout the state for a representative may sometimes enable them to elect a more brilliant or an abler man, than by confining them to districts; but generally this latitude will be used to pernicious purposes, especially connected with the choice by plurality--when a man in the remote part of the state, perhaps obnoxious at home, but ambitious and intriguing, may be chosen to represent the people in another part of the state far distant, and by a small part of them, or by a faction, or by a combination of some particular description of men among them. This has been long the case in Great Britain; it is the case in several states; nor do I think that such pernicious practices will be merely possible in our federal concerns, but highly probable. By establishing district elections, we exclude none of the best men from being elected; and we fix what, in my mind, is of far more importance than brilliant talents--I mean a sameness, as to residence and interests, between the representative and his constituents. And by the election by a majority, he is sure to be the man, the choice of more than half of them. . . .

THE FEDERAL FARMER


Antifederalist No. 62
ON THE ORGANIZATION AND POWERS OF THE SENATE (PART I)

The remarks of "BRUTUS" on the organization and powers of the Senate, like his other writings, were well-structured and restrained. His reasoning, particularly on the Senatorial term of office, is impressive. Basically, "Brutus" weighed the alternatives of a short versus an extended term, and concluded that four years (rather than six) would be preferable. More important, "Brutus" suggested that Senators should be rotated, for "everybody acquainted with public affairs knows how difficult it is to remove from office a person who is long been in it."

The following is taken from the sixteenth essay of "Brutus" in The New- York Journal, April 10, 1788.

-180-

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