Cultures of Politics/Politics of Cultures: Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements

By Sonia E. Alvarez; Evelina Dagnino et al. | Go to book overview

connections were made. To speak of citizenship may have been a recourse to escape the "logic of identity" and may have called attention to the fact that other identities, not always hierarchically ordered, are at stake. Even though, as I have argued, this new discourse implies new arrangements that are problematic in their political and theoretical matrices, it is with clear impact that the new discourse has penetrated the spaces of the black movement.


Notes
1
"Editorial Comment: On Thinking the Black Public Sphere, Public Culture 7, no. 1 ( 1994):9.
2
My observation of the activities of this group began in December 1994 when I initiated a study about youth, entertainment, and violence in a shantytown in the northern part of Rio de Janeiro, Vigário Geral. During that time, I held a fellowship with the Rockefeller Foundation, the Instituto de Filosofia Ciêcias e Sócias, and the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro's Race and Ethnicity program. I relied upon the help of a graduate research assistant who was also a member of the Afro-Reggae Cultural Group.
3
Grupo Vissungo, interview, Versus 22 ( 1978):41.
4
The Black Rio organization and the Quilombo samba school, while operating in distinct public spheres, are two important examples of these efforts. Black Rio united large numbers of black youths in dances whose principal theme was inspired by the soul music of the United States. Quilombo, founded by intellectuals and black artists, was committed to researching "black roots" while also resisting the appeal of the commercialization of music and political co-optation. For a further discussion of the origins of Black Rio and its connections to the founding of the "Rio Funk" dances, see Vianna 1988. For a general discussion of these movements and their relationship with black movement activists, see Hanchard 1991. See Lopes 1979 for a defense of Quilombo's proposals.
5
This "rebirth" has, as a point of reference, the varied organizational efforts of the black movement, such as attempts to found political parties and the publication of journals dedicated to debating and denouncing racism, which began early in the twentieth century and continued until the 1964 military coup.
6
See Cardoso 1978 for a discussion of police violence and the black movement.
7
Quilombos communities were formed by escaped slaves; they existed throughout Brazil during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries.
8
The analogy between resistance and isolation marks historical writings on Brazilian quilombos. For a more detailed discussion see Santos Gomes 1995.
9
A study funded UNESCO and carried out by Brazilian and foreign social scientists during the 1950s examined the reality of race relations in Brazil during the period known as "racial harmony."
10
Oliveira e Oliveira's argument makes reference to Carl Degler 1971. Degler addresses the relative malleability of the terms of racial classification and of miscegenation as positive characteristics in Brazil in comparison to the more rigid categories adapted in the United States. Oliveira e Oliveira chose the mulatto as the paradigm of the Brazilian racial impasse (or "epistemological obstacle") in which social ascension depended on a shift in phenotype criteria and the terms of racial self-identification.
11
See Ramos 1995.

-246-

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