ecological and the peace movements), or the actually existing history and possible future of the labour movement.

Finally, dominant ideologies need to be rescued from their conversion into theses, whether by proponents or opponents. They should be developed as hypotheses of empirical research. As far as I can tell, AHT are quite right in rejecting the idea that all-pervasive normative doctrines govern the behaviour of members of developed societies. But, again, it would be obscurantist to refrain from looking into the dominant ideologies. Here a comparative approach seems to be the most fruitful. In complex societies, what is can be most easily discovered through comparison with what exists or has existed elsewhere. In my own research I have been looking at how political ideologies have changed in Swedish electoral campaigns from 1928 to 1982. In functioning democracies, what is said and what is not said, what is appealing and what is regarded as a campaign blunder, tap important aspects of ideological power relations in complex societies. Since they have a behavioural component, election campaigns also seem more reliable than international opinion polls. Another promising route -- doubtless not the only one -- is to look at the prevalence or absence and the historical trajectory of certain concepts or labels of identification. For instance, in Swedish parlance there has been no 'middle class' or 'middle estate' [Mittelstand] since about 1950: but there are 'bourgeois parties' and a 'workers' movement' (without a working class).

With all the respect due to The Dominant Ideology Thesis for its intelligence, erudition and sound scepticism of the past, my fundamental objection is that it is not silence which is now on the agenda, that serious analysis of ideology has to begin and is beginning. Let me end by expressing the hope that Abercrombie, Hill and Turner will bring their undeniable skills to bear on this task.


Notes
1.
London 1980.
2.
Louis Althusser, 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses', this volume, Chapter 5.
3.
Emphasis added.
4.
Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, London 1971, pp. 227, 16, 199.
5.
Ralph Miliband, Marxism and Politics, Oxford 1977, p. 53.
6.
Nicos Poulantzas, Political Power and Social Classes, London 1978, pp. 16-17.
7.
Althusser, 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses', p. 000.
8.
Nicos Poulantzas, Classes in Contemporary Capitalism, London 1973, p. 223; original emphasis.
9.
Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, London 1968, p. 39.
10.
Ibid., pp. 37, 39.
11.
Althusser, 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses, p. 130.
12.
Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, p. 12.
13.
Ibid., p. 120; emphasis added.

-178-

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Mapping Ideology
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page iii
  • Contents v
  • Introduction: The Spectre of Ideology 1
  • Notes 30
  • 1: Messages in a Bottle 34
  • 2: Adorno, Post-Structuralism and the Critique of Identity 46
  • Notes 64
  • 3: The Critique of Instrumental Reason 66
  • Notes 88
  • 4: The Mirror-phase as Formative of the Function of the I 93
  • Notes 99
  • 5: Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes towards an Investigation) 100
  • Notes 138
  • 6: The Mechanism of Ideological (Mis)recognition 141
  • Notes 150
  • 7: Determinacy and Indeterminacy in the Theory of Ideology 152
  • Notes 165
  • 8: The New Questions of Subjectivity 167
  • Notes 178
  • 9: Ideology and its Vicissitudes in Western Marxism 179
  • Notes 224
  • 10: Feminism, Ideology, and Deconstruction: A Pragmatist View 227
  • Notes 233
  • 11: Ideology, Politics, Hegemony 235
  • Notes 262
  • 12: Doxa and Common Life: An Interview 265
  • Note 277
  • 13: Postmodernism and the Market 278
  • Notes 295
  • 14: How Did Marx Invent the Symptom? 296
  • Notes 331
  • List of Sources 332
  • Index 333
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