Hierarchy and Trust in Modern Mexico and Brazil

By Luis Roniger | Go to book overview

NOTES
1.
It contains as well Indian enclaves, for example, the Mazahua in the .state of Mexico, the Huastecs in San Luis Potosi, and the Tarascans of central Michoacán, which I have left outside the focus of this study.
2.
See Paré, 1976:58-61. Rivalries between the district seat and dependent towns and hamlets, as well as among local networks of clientelism, have been generally settled in favor of those supported by PRI representatives occupying executive positions at the state level. Until recently, it was the governor who, as head of the ruling party in the state, had such influence and he who formed local alliances and determined the party's local candidates for public office. Those who opposed the caciques were mainly the teachers in the rural areas (especially in the late 1920s, the 1930s, and the 1950s) as well as some municipal employees (especially in the 1960s and thereafter).
3.
Seasonal laborers are generally hired in work teams (of 5 to 10 men), led by a "chief" (jefe de cuadrilla), who centralizes contacts with the employers. It is he who obtains the job, organizes the team, receives the group's payment, and distributes it. Similar work networks exist in sugarcane fields and mills in other states, such as San Luis Potosí, Veracruz, Tamaulipas, and Morelos. A large share of the payment is reported to reach the pockets of the jefe.
4.
This is evident from changes in the number of municipalities in Morelos: in 1619, they numbered 33 and, in 1800, they reached 94, but in 1870, the number fell to 22 ( Gerhard, 1975).
5.
The remaining 55 percent were pastures and forests.
6.
In rural Mexico, owners sold such goods to workers in exchange for coupons in estate shops (tiendas de raya). These shops, which offered provisions at extortionist prices, were not as common in Morelos as elsewhere in Mexico.
7.
Land redistribution took place in other states as well; e.g., Tlaxcala, Guerrero, Michoacán, and Mexico.
8.
In a detailed description of the process of appointing a PRI candidate to a municipal presidency, Gándara Mendoza points to the local elite's criteria of selection: the candidate was expected to be reliable, to possess a wide political clientele, and to have good political connections locally and further afield ( 1976:266ff). As elsewhere in Mexico, since the 1960s attention has also been paid to personal formal qualifications.
9.
In 1910, Oaxaca encompassed, 1,131 (21 percent) of the total 5,456 municipios in Mexico, with an average population of 920 inhabitants per municipality ( González Navarro, 1958). In 1981, it contained 570 (24 percent) of the total 2,336 ( Bailón Corres, 1982). Sixty-three percent of Oaxacan land is ejidos or other communal land ( Díaz Montes, 1982).
10.
Similar patterns are found among other Indian conglomerates, such as the mazatecoo of northwestern Oaxaca ( Suárez, 1969:115ff.).
11.
Such distrust is not specific to this area. On Morelos, see Fromm and Maccoby, 1973.

-93-

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Hierarchy and Trust in Modern Mexico and Brazil
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page iii
  • Contents v
  • Tables and Figures ix
  • Preface xi
  • Chapter 1 Clientelism and Trust 1
  • Notes 19
  • Chapter 2 Hierarchy and Clientelism in Latin America 21
  • Notes 33
  • Chapter 3 the Institutional Context of Mexico and Brazil 35
  • Notes 54
  • Chapter 4 Clientelism in Mexico 57
  • Notes 93
  • Chapter 5 Clientelism in Brazil 97
  • Notes 141
  • Chapter 6 Cross-National Comparison of Mexican and Brazilian Clientelism 145
  • Notes 156
  • Chapter 7 Multi-Dimensional Comparison of Network Variability 159
  • Notes 177
  • Chapter 8 Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Mexican and Brazilian Clientelism 179
  • Conclusion 197
  • Notes 199
  • Bibliography 203
  • Index 233
  • About the Author 237
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