Liberalism and Social Reform: Industrial Growth and Progressiste Politics in France, 1880-1914

By David M. Gordon | Go to book overview

ensure only the survival of the fittest (and had reached its zenith under the early Third Republic) was slowly transformed. Pensions, insurance, and occasional improvements in working conditions helped win some worker support for their moderate republican coalition. This alliance was able to defend the central tenets of economic liberalism: the private ownership of the means of production; an unregulated market allowing the free movement of goods, capital, and labor; and freedom of contract. To gain this, Progressistes were obliged to take a first, and very tentative, step toward the modern welfare state. However, their victories then helped force the moderation of extremist programs on the Left and Right. This was a signal contribution to the defense of the bourgeois republican order and the civility of political life.


NOTES
1.
In 1964 the region was responsible for 70 percent of French national production and employed 100,000 people in heavy industry. By 1982 it employed only 48,000 people and produced 37 percent of national output. See Hubert Flammarion and Thérèse Flammarion, Petite encyclopédie lorraine ( Paris, 1986.), pp. 166-68. Newspaper reports detailing the riot of April 3, 1984, are reproduced in Serge Bonnet, Homme defer, Vol. 3 ( Metz, 1985).
2.
Guy Palmade, Capitalisme et capitalistes français au XIXième siècle ( Paris, 1961), cited in Theodore Zeldin, France, 1848-1945: Ambition, Love and Politics, Vol. 1, ( Oxford, U.K., 1973), pp. 81-82.
3.
Richard F. Kuisel, Capitalism and the State in France: Renovation and Economic Management in the Twentieth Century ( Cambridge, 1981), pp. 28-29.
4.
Jean-Noël Jeanneney, Forces et faiblesses de l'économie français ( Paris, 1956), p. 259.
5.
Kuisel, p. 12.
6.
Stanley Hoffmann, "Paradoxes of the French Political Culture," in In Search of France ( Cambridge, MA, 1963), pp. 3-16, 60-70.
7.
Zeldin, p. 70.
8.
"The term is Zeldin"'s (p. 67).
9.
Camille Cavallier at Pont-à-Mousson, for example, knew that exports not only helped reduce fixed manufacturing costs for domestic customers but also forced industry to greater competitiveness and thus efficiency. Wendel was the most individualistic of all, even refusing to join French national cartels. See Roger Martin, Patron du droit divin ( Paris, 1984), p. 72; Charles E. Freedman, "Cartels and the Law in France before 1914," French Historical Studies, 15, 3 (Spring of 1988): 469; and Michael S. Smith, Tariff Reform in France, 1860-1900: The Politics of Economic Interest ( Ithaca, NY, 1980), pp. 221-224.
10.
Hoffmann, pp. 3-15.
11.
Sanford Elwitt, The Making of the Third French Republic: Class and Politics in France, 1868-1884 ( Baton Rouge, LA, 1975), and The Third Republic Defended: Bourgeois Reform in France, 1880-1914 ( Baton Rouge, LA, 1986).
12.
Herman Lebovics, The Alliance of Iron and Wheat in the Third French Republic, 1860-1914: Origins of the New Conservatism ( Baton Rouge, LA, 1988), pp. 7-8.
13.
Zeldin, p. 1010.

-27-

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Liberalism and Social Reform: Industrial Growth and Progressiste Politics in France, 1880-1914
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page iii
  • Contents v
  • Acknowledgements vii
  • Introduction 1
  • Notes 27
  • 1 - Industrial Growth and Socialist Success at Roubaix 31
  • Notes 50
  • 2 - Eugène Motte and the Bourgeois Political Resurgence 55
  • Notes 78
  • 3 - Georges Claudinon and the Industrial Revival at Le Chambon-Feugerolles 83
  • Notes 109
  • 4 - Industrial Crisis and Progressiste Success at Rive-De-Gier 115
  • Notes 135
  • 5 - François De Wendel and Progressiste Politics in Industrial Lorraine 141
  • Notes 164
  • Conclusion 171
  • Notes 191
  • Appendix 195
  • Bibliography 209
  • Index 217
  • About the Author 227
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