bulletin boards of the various substrata of society. Geographers have shown us how to use newspapers to map communication fields in the United States. Could not historians use newspapers to map cultural and class regions and the circulation consequences of residential mobility and tramping? Several of the articles in this book show that the more we look, the more articulate the "inarticulate" appear to have been. While messages in the labor press inquiring of the location of travelers may not make a direct statement of values, they certainly show one function of the labor press in tying together the complex world of workers.
Mobility, then, whether of whole households or of individual tramps, poses a major challenge to social historians. It may be a challenge which goes unanswered. Certainly the difficult fact of residential mobility has lurked behind various studies in social history for almost a half century without provoking any significant historical questions. So too tramping has never been a big secret, yet we have failed to incorporate it into any larger framework of United States history. Although somewhat different phenomena, both tramping and residential mobility seem almost to be answers looking for questions. The research reported in this book, we hope, has begun to provide some of the appropriate questions.