Advocacy Groups and the Entertainment Industry

By Michael Suman; Gabriel Rossman | Go to book overview

NOTES
1.
This and subsequent analysis of the role of the corporation in contemporary media is elaborated in Thomas Streeter, Selling the Air: A Critique of the Policy of Commercial Broadcasting in the United States ( Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).
2.
Jürgen Habermas, Legitimation Crisis ( Boston: Beacon Press, 1975).
3.
The classic telling of this tale remains Erik Barnouw, A Tower in Babel: A History of Broadcasting in the United States to 1933 (New York: Oxford, 1966). Also see Chapter 3 of Streeter, Selling the Air.
4.
Most of the newer, microcomputer-related companies (including Microsoft) have opened government relations offices in Washington in the last three or four years. See Dan Carney, "Tech firm lobbyists scrape by sans limo; Dragged into D.C., industry", in Austin American-Statesman, August 17, 1997, p. H1. Relatedly, Jack Valenti recently objected to the National Journal's methodology when it dropped him to No. 2 on its list of the highest-paid leaders of trade associations, which necessarily have interests in Washington. W. John Moore, "From The K Street Corridor", in The National Journal 29:40, October 4, 1997, p. 1976.
5.
Addrienne Ward Fawcett, "Interactive Awareness Growing", in Advertising Age, October 16, 1996, p. 20, cited in Robert W. McChesney, Corporate Media and the Threat to Democracy ( New York: Seven Stories Press, 1997), p. 46.
6.
For a detailed discussion of the range of policy debate and the means by which it is circumscribed, see Streeter, Selling the Air, pp. 113-162.
7.
Steven Douglas Classen, Watching Jim Crow: The Struggles Over Mississippi Television, 1955-1969 ( Duke University Press, forthcoming). See also "Southern Discomforts: The Racial Struggle Over Popular Television" in The Revolution Wasn't Televised: Sixties Television and Social Conflict, edited by Lynn Spigel and Michael Curtin ( New York: Routledge, 1997); and "Standing on Unstable Grounds: A Reexamination of the WLBT-TV Case" in Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 11 (1), 73-91 (Spring 1994).
8.
For an example of the former, see the Blue Book released by the FCC in the 1940s (FCC, "Public Service Responsibility of Broadcast Licensees") which frankly argued that broadcasters should forgo some profit and broadcast "sustained" programming; the Blue Book's proposals generated vociferous opposition and were thoroughly rejected. For an example of the latter, see John Kittross's proposal to completely redesign the American broadcast system in a way that would separate transmission from production and thereby effectively remove much of both the networks' and local broadcasters' power. Nowhere in legislation does it say that existing broadcasters have a right to government protection of their economic interests in the existing system of spectrum allocations, yet the proposal is known today in the policy arena only as an archetype of madcap impracticality. See John Kittross, "A Fair and Equitable Service Or, A Modest Proposal to Restructure American Television to Have All the Advantages of Cable and UHF Without Using Either", in Federal Communications Bar Journal 29: 1 ( 1976) pp. 91-116.
9.
Miami Herald Publishing Co. v. Tornillo, 418 U.S. 241, 254 ( 1974).

-84-

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